Publications  of  J.  H.  Miller 

STUDIES   IN 

EUROPEAN  HISTORY 

CIVILIZATION  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


WITH    AN    INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    SOURCE 
STUDY    METHOD 


GUERNSEY  JONES,  PH.  D. 

The  University  of  Nebraska 


AINSWORTH  &  COMPANY 

378-388  Wabash  Ave. 

CHICAGO 

1900 


COPYRIGHT  1899 

BY 

GUERNSEY  JONES 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Introduction v— xxviii 

I.   Christian  and  Pagan 1 

II.   Teutonic  and  Barbarians 19 

III.   Selections  from  the  Koran 39 

IY-.   Chivalry  and  the  Mode  of  Warfare .  55 

Y.   Feudalism 73 

VI:  Monasticism 89 

VII.   The  Jews  of  Angevin  England  ....  105 

VIII.   The  Rise  of  Cities 121 

IX.  The  Trades  of  Paris 137 

X.   Giraldus  Cambrensis  .  149 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  pedagogy  of  the  last  half  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  differs  both  in  matter  and  in 
method  from  that  of  the  first  half.  Our  age 
is  scientific  above  all  things,  and  this  spirit 
has  permeated,  one  by  one,  all  branches  of  in- 
struction. The  change  in  matter  has  consisted 
in  a  revolt  against  the  claims  of  the  classics 
to  a  monopoly  of  a.i  knowledge  and  all  disci- 
pline. The  revolt  was  successful  and  the  clas- 
sics were  relegated  to  their  proper  place  in  the 
new  curriculum.  Henceforth  they  are  to  form 
a  part  and  not  the  whole  of  education. 
Through  the  breach  thus  made  new  studies 
entered  demanding  their  share  of  attention. 
In  truth,  some  of  them  demanded  more  than 
their  share,  and  for  a  time,  under  the  influence 
of  the  reactionary  spirit,  the  movement  threat- 
ened to  go  too  far  in  the  opposite  direction 
and  to  abandon  the  classics  entirely. 

But  the  new  matter  was  not  more  important 
than  the  new  method.  With  the  sciences  came 
the  scientific  spirit  and  the  laboratory  method. 
The  old  method,  or  lack  of  method,  presided 
at  the  birth  of  the  new  studies,  but  the  text- 
book recitation  was  at  first  supplemented  by 
experiments  performed  before  the  class,  and  at 
last  by  experiments  performed  by  the  class, 
and  the  change  was  complete.  That  the  lab- 
oratory method  was  the  only  method  to  be  em- 
ployed in  teaching  the  sciences  was  quite 
elear;  that  it  had  a  universal  application  and 
might  be  as  readily  employed  in  teaching  other 
(v) 


INTRODUCTION. 

subjects,  not  generally  recognized  as  sciences, 
was  not  so  clear.  The  result  of  this  apparent 
inability  to  understand  the  great  possibilities 
in  the  new  method  has  been  a  marked  absence 
of  progress  in  the  teaching  of  certain  subjects. 
History,  unfortunately,  is  one  of  these.  I  say 
"unfortunately,"  for  I  know  of  no  subject 
whose  right  teaching  is  of  more  importance, 
especially  for  the  people  of  a  democracy.  And 
yet  it  was  but  natural  that  history  should  be 
one  of  the  last  subjects  to  feel  the  touch  of  the 
scientific  influence.  Its  subject  was  common- 
place— humanity;  its  material — the  every  day 
objects  found  under  the  hands  and  eyes  of 
every  human  being.  -  Neither  subject  nor  ma- 
terial lent  itself  readily  to  scientific  treatment. 
The  impulse  to  change  generally  comes  from 
the  top  and  it  was  only  in  the  last  generation 
that  the  historical  method  was  sufficiently  de- 
veloped to  make  it  possible  for  the  great  teach- 
ers of  history  to  give  that  impulse.  But  at 
last  the  impulse  has  been  given  and  is  making 
its  way  through  our  whole  system.  Up  to  the 
present  time,  however,  it  has  made  the  great- 
est progress  in  the  universities  and  better  col- 
leges and  has  not  produced  a  very  deep  im- 
pression upon  the  secondary  schools.  Yet  the 
signs  are  not  lacking  to  prove  that  the  time 
has  come  for  energetic  and  systematic  work  in 
the  grades  below  the  college.  As  an  aid  to 
this  work,  the  following  "source"  extracts 
have  been  prepared,  with  an  introduction  upon 
method  and  its  application  in  the  secondary 
schools. 

A  good  definition  of  history  is  not  easy  to 
find,  but  perhaps  one  of  the  best  is  that  given 
by  Bernheim:  "History  is  the  science  of  the 
evolution  of  man  in  his  activities  as  a  social 
being."  Let  us  examine  the  definition  care- 


INTRODUCTION.  Vll 

fully  and  endeavor  to  get  at  its  meaning.  In 
the  first  place,  it  is  claimed  that  history  is  a 
science,  that  is,  a  body  o-f  systematized  knowl- 
edge. If,  as  has  been  recently  affirmed,  there 
is  no  science  but  exact  science  and  natural 
science,  and  man  is  excluded  from  the  realm 
of  nature,  our  claim  cannot  be  allowed.  But 
I  am  inclined  to  think  that  all  sciences  are  not 
equally  exact,  and  that  if  the  term  "natural" 
be  used  to  exclude  man,  then  there  are  sciences 
that  are  not  natural  sciences.  I  am  also  in- 
clined to  think  that  man  is  as  natural  as  any 
other  animal.  The  refusal  to  concede  to  his- 
tory a  place  among  the  sciences  may  have  had 
some  weight  a  hundred  years  ago,  but  it  has 
none  to-day.  "Knowledge  is  science  in  the  de- 
gree in  which  it  can  be  subjected  to  method 
and  law  and  so  rendered  comprehensible  and 
certain.  Under  this  test  history  must  surely 
be  assigned  the  rank  of  a  science,  though  con- 
fessedly inexact  and  as  yet  but  partially 
wrought  out."  But  what  science  is  absolutely 
exact  or  completely  wrought  out?  All  are  in 
a  state  of  flux,  and  are  more  or  less  inexact 
and  incomplete.  History  is  one  of  the  late 
comers.  Its  greater  incompleteness  and  inex- 
actness as  a  science  are  due  to  its  complexity 
and  to  the  fact  that  its  development  depends 
so  largely  upon  the  development  of  a  consider- 
able number  of  auxiliary  sciences. 

We  note  in  the  second  place  that  history  is 
the  "science  of  the  evolution  of  man."  History 
is  no  longer  a  simple  teller  of  stories;  the 
muse  has  set  herself  a  sterner  task.  We  are 
conscious  that  the  society  of  to-day  differs 
from  the  society  of  one  thousand  years  ago. 
An  evolution  has  taken  place  and  it  is  the 
work  of  the  historian  to  trace  this  evolution 
through  all  its  phases.  It  should  be  noted, 
further,  that  it  is  not  simply  the  evolution  of 


Vil  INTRODUCTION. 

the  American,  nor  of  the  Englishman,  but  the 
evolution  of  all  men.  This  idea  is  too  new  to 
be  fully  realized,  but  in  the  period  of  African, 
Chinese,  and  Japanese  wars,  it  should  be  evi- 
dent to  the  most  superficial  observer  that  his- 
tory, universal  history,  has  for  its  theater  the 
whole  globe  and  for  its  actors  all  mankind. 

The  last  point  in  the  definition  to  be  con- 
sidered is  the  fact  that  history  has  to  do  with 
all  the  activities  of  man  as  a  social  being.  His- 
tory is  not  simply  "past  politics."  It  is  that 
and  something  more,  for  in  order  to  under- 
stand the  meaning  of  the  social  evolution  of 
man,  all  the  expressions  of  man's  life  in  so- 
ciety must  be  considered,  whether  these  ex- 
pressions be  political,  economic,  literary,  artis- 
tic, or  religious.  It  is  with  man's  social  life 
in  its  completeness  that  the  historian  has  to 
do. 

The  historian  then  attempts  to  describe  the 
evolution  of  the  society  of  which  he  himself 
forms  a  part.  But  how  can  this  evolution  be 
traced?  The  old  Greeks,  Romans,  and  Ger- 
mans, are  long  since  dead  and  cannot  be  called 
back  to  life  that  we  may  study  their  civiliza- 
tion. That  civilization  must  be  reconstructed, 
but  how  and  from  what  material?  Shall  we 
allow  full  play  to  our  imaginations  and  call 
the  result  an  historical  reconstruction?  Such 
a  history  would  have  as  much  value  as  the 
work  of  a  botanist  who  had  never  studied 
plant  life.  There  is  but  one  way  to  recon- 
struct the  life  of  the  past  and  that  is  from  the 
remains  of  the  past.  Everything  that  has 
come  down  from  the  past  must  be  used  in  re- 
constructing the  past.  These  remains  are 
called  historical  sources.  As  the  word  "his- 
tory" is  applied  indiscriminately  to  both  the 
fact  and  the  record  of  the  fact,  it  is  of  the 


INTRODUCTION.  IX 

utmost  importance  that,  at  the  very  outset, 
we  draw  the  line  sharply  between  the  two. 
The  historical  fact  is  what  actually  did  hap- 
pen in  all  its  fullness  and  truthfulness;  the 
record  of  the  fact  is  the  belief  of  certain  per- 
sons as  to  what  happened.  It  is  self-evident 
that  the  fact  and  the  record  of  the  fact  may  be 
quite  different  things.  In  truth,  they  gener- 
ally are  quite  different  .and  never  can  be  ex- 
actly the  same.  If  this  last  assertion  be  cor- 
rect, then  we  can  never  know  exactly  what 
happened  at  a  certain  time  and  in  a  certain 
place  and  it  is  evident  that  absolute  historical 
truth  is  beyond  our  reach. 

An  examination  of  the  way  in  which  the 
record  is  made  will  make  more  clear  the  truth 
of  the  above  statement.  An  event  takes  place 
and  is  gone.  One  or  more  persons  make  a 
record  of  it.  Our  knowledge  of  the  event  is 
obtained  from  the  record.  If  it  be  inexact  or 
incomplete  we  are  helpless,  for  the  event  will 
not  take  place  again.  It  cannot  be  conjured 
up  a  second  time  and  induced  to  move  slowly 
that  we  may  catch  its  slightest  peculiarity. 
The  botanist,  the  chemist,  and  the  physicist 
may  repeat  their  experiments  until  the  record 
is  satisfactory,  while  the  historian  is  often  de- 
pendent upon  the  record  of  an  event  made  by  a 
careless  or  ignorant  observer.  What  we  have 
before  us  then  is  not  a  photograph  of  the  fact, 
for  the  fact  passed  through  a  human  brain  be- 
fore reaching  paper  and  was  more  or  less  dis- 
torted in  the  passage.  A  hundred  and  one 
things  may  conspire  to  make  this  record  de- 
fective. Physical  defects,  combined  with  ig- 
norance, passion,  and  prejudice  may  so  trans- 
form the  fact  as  to  render  it  hardly  recogniza- 
ble and  to  make  the  record  a  veritable  carica- 
ture. And  when,  in  addition  to  all  this,  the 


X  INTRODUCTION. 

record  is  not  made  upon  the  spot,  time  plays 
strange  tricks  with  the  memory  and  renders 
the  transformation  even  greater.  Such  are  the 
difficulties  of  making  the  fact,  or  that  which 
actually  happened,  agree  with  the  record  of 
the  fact,  or  the  belief  as  to  what  happened. 
What  actually  happened  is  called  objective 
history;  what  is  believed  to  have  happened 
is  called  subjective  history.  The  aim  of  the 
scientific  historian  is  to  make  the  last  approxi- 
mate as  closely  as  possible  to  the  first.  This 
can  be  done  only  by  a  most  exhaustive  collec- 
tion of  all  the  records  and  remains  relating 
to  the  event  and  a  most  careful  and  critical  ex- 
amination and  interpretation  of  them.  But 
what  specifically  are  these  sources?  They  are 
the  records  of  eye  and  ear  witnesses;  of  the 
persons  taking  part  in  the  event  or  present 
when  the  event  took  place;  all  direct  remains 
from  the  event  that  have"  come  down  to  us  and 
enables  us  to  form  a  setting  for  the  event.  In 
the  case  of  a  battle,  we  search  for  the  diaries 
and  letters  of  the  combatants;  we  interrogate 
survivors;  we  read  the  dispatches  of  generals 
and  the  reports  of  observers;  we  study  the 
battle-field,  the  arms  and  equipments,  and  the 
resources  of  either  side.  In  short,  all  material 
is  collected  that  can  throw  any  light  upon  the 
event  itself  and  help  us  to  restore  it.  The 
sources  may  be  classified  as  follows: 

I.  Historical  remains. 
A..  In  narrow  sense. 
a.  Remains  of  men. 
1).  Languages. 

c.  Social*  conditions:    manners    and    cus- 

toms, festivals,  forms  of  worship,  in- 
stitutions, laws,  constitutions. 

d.  Products    of    human    skill:    utensils, 

arms,  buildings,  coins. 


INTRODUCTION.  XI 

e.  Records:  courts,  assemblies,   speeches, 

newspapers,  letters,  tax-rolls,  etc. 
B.  In  broader  sense. 
a.  Monuments. 
&.  Inscriptions. 
II.  Traditions. 

A.  Pictoral:  statuary,  pictures. 

B.  Oral:  stories,  anecdotes,  songs. 

C.  Written:  annals,  chronicles,  biographies. 

While  the  reconstruction  of  a  period  in  his- 
tory must  rest  upon  the  historical  sources  com- 
ing down  to  us,  much  help  in  interpretation  of 
the  sources  is  obtained  from  analogy.  There 
exists  to-day  upon  the  globe  societies  repre- 
senting many  of  the  stages  through  which  our 
civilization  has  passed.  Through  the  study  of 
existing  societies  much  light  is  cast  upon  the 
obscure  places  in  past  development. 

These  sources  then,  the  remains  of  the  event 
itself,  and  the  descriptions  of  it,  are  the  ma- 
terial with  which  the  historian  must  work. 
The  difference  between  the  sources  and  a  nar- 
rative text  must  be  fully  grasped  before  tho 
new  method  can  be  understood.  Grote's  His- 
tory of  Greece  is  not  a  source,  but  the  result  of 
Grote's  study  of  the  sources,  his  attempt  to  re- 
construct the  past  from  the  sources.  The 
value  of  this  reconstruction  is  determined  by 
comparing  it  with  the  sources,  and  the  sources 
of  Greek  history  are  all  the  things  enumerated 
above  under  the  heads  of  Historical  Remains 
and  Traditions.  Where  are  these  sources 
enumerated?  First  of  all  in  bibliographies  de- 
voted to  the  histories  of  particular  countries. 
In  some  of  the  older  bibliographies  no  distinc- 
tion is  made  between  sources  and  modern 
writers,  but  in  the  latest  scientific  works  the 
two  classes  are  kept  separate.  When  a  work 
on  bibliography  is  not  accessible,  the  informa- 


Til  INTRODUCTION. 

tion  may  be  obtained  from  the  foot-notes  of  a 
modern  historical  narrative.  Turn  to  a  vol- 
ume of  Gibbon  or  Macaulay  and  at  the  bottom 
of  each  page  will  be  found  an  enumeration  of 
the  sources  of  information.  From  these  foot- 
notes a  complete  list  of  Gibbon's  or  Macaulay's 
sources  may  be  obtained. 

But  when  the  historian  has  collected  his  ma- 
terial, he  has  only  taken  the  first  step.  The 
material  must  be  tested  and  its  value  deter- 
mined. Upon  the  success  of  this  criticism  of 
the  sources  depends  the  value  of  the  recon- 
struction. What  will  be  its  value  if  it  rests 
upon  worthless  material?  We  must  know  first 
of  all  if  the  material  is  genuine,  that  is,  if  it  is 
what  it  pretends  to  be.  Much  material  that 
the  last  century  accepted  as  genuine  has  been 
rejected  as  false  by  this,  and  often  as  inten- 
tionally false,  or  forged.  The  "Forged  Decre- 
tals" and  "The  Gift  of  Constantine"  are  but 
two  of  many  examples  that  might  be  cited.  I 
have  not  space  to  enumerate  the  tests  by 
which  evidence  is  tried  to  determine  its  gen- 
uineness. In  spite  of  the  high  degree  of  de- 
velopment attained  in  this  branch  of  historical 
method,  the  results  reached  are  not  always 
satisfactory.  The  different  opinions  among 
specialists  touching  the  lately  discovered 
"Athenian  Constitution,"  of  Aristotle,  is  a 
not  uncommon  illustration  of  inability  to 
reach  satisfactory  results. 

If  our  material  has  stood  the  tests  of  genu- 
ineness, we  then  proceed  to  consider  its  rela- 
tion to  the  event.  Suppose,  for  example,  we 
have  a  description  of  the  battle  of  Salamis; 
what  do  we  want  to  know  about  that  account 
in  order  to  determine  its  value?  First  of  all, 
who  wrote  it?  Herodotus.  Who  was  Herod- 
otus? A  Greek.  Was  he  living  at  the  time? 


INTRODUCTION.  Xlli 

Probably.     Was   he  present   at   the   battle? 
Probably  not.     Why  not?     The  battle  took 
place  in  480  B.  C.  and  Herodotus  was  born 
about  485  B.  C.    That  would  make  him  about 
five  years  old  at  the  time.    It  is  evident,  then, 
that  Herodotus,  although  he  lived  at  the  time, 
could  not  have  been  present  at  the  battle  and 
must  have  obtained  his  information  from  oth- 
ers and  many  years  later.    He  is  not,  then,  a 
source,  but  was  obliged  to  write  his  account 
from  the  sources,  as  a  man  born  in  1860  might 
write  the  history  of  our  Civil  War.    This  con- 
clusion is  both  true  and  false.    There  are  cases 
in  which  a  work  that  was  not  originally  a 
source  might  become  a  source,  namely,  when 
all  the  material  upon  which  that  work  is  based 
has  been  lost.    The  sources  with  which  Herod- 
otus worked  have  disappeared  and  we  cannot 
go  back  of  him.    He  is  practically  our  court  of 
final  appeal.    Having  now  decided  that  the  ac- 
count of  the  battle  of  Salamis  in  Herodotus  is 
the  principal  source  of  information,  shall  we 
proceed  at  once  to  use  it?     That  is,  is    the 
criticism  at  an  end,  and  is  it  time  to  recon- 
struct the  event  from  the  record?    Not  yet. 
We  want  to  know  more  about  this  man  and 
the  conditions  under  which  he  wrote.    What 
had  been  his  education,  what  was  his  position 
in  society,  what  his  special  preparation  for 
writing?    In  a  word,  was  he  able  to  tell  the 
truth?     But  a  man  may  be  able  to  tell  the 
truth  and  not  be  willing  to  do  so.    Herodotus 
lived  in  Asia  Minor.    Was  he  friendly  to  the 
Persians  and  hostile  to  the  Greeks?    Was  he 
an  aristocrat?  He  might  be  unfair  to  the  Ath- 
enians.   Was  he  a  democrat?  He  might  be  un- 
just toward  the  Spartans.     How    can    these 
questions  be  answered?  By  a  careful  study  of 
the  work  of  Herodotus,  page  by  page,  and  line 


X1Y  INTRODUCTION. 

by  line,  aided  in  the  study  by  opinions  of  men 
like  Grote,  Curtis,  and  other  historians  of 
Greece  who  have  .covered  the  same  ground. 
The  tests  thus  applied  might  be  summed  up 
under  the  following  heads  : 

LOCALIZATION. 

I.  Who  was  the  writer? 
II.  When  was  the  work  written? 

III.  Where  was  it  written? 

VALUE    OF    EVIDENCE. 

IV.  Was  he  able  to  tell  the  truth? 
V.  Was  he  willing  to  tell  the  truth? 

It  is  easily  seen  that  question  V.  is  the  least 
easily  and  satisfactorily  answered.  A  negative 
answer  to  this  question  would  have  the  most 
disastrous  effect.  The  absolute  conviction  on 
the  part  of  the  historian  that  his  witness  was 
not  truthful  would  lead  him  to  reject  the  evi- 
dence. The  reconstruction  of  the  event  might 
have  produced  far  different  results  had  the 
evidence  been  accepted.  It  often  happens  that 
the  different  versions  of  an  event  found  in 
different  historians  is  due  to  the  fact  that  one 
historian  believes  a  certain  witness  honest  and 
the  other  believes  him  dishonest. 

The  work  of  criticism  being  ended,  the  work 
of  reconstruction  begins. 

The  first  step  in  reconstruction  is  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  facts.  The  event  may  be 
described  by  a  single  witness,  by  several  wit- 
nesses that  agree  in  substance,  or  by  several 
witnesses  that  disagree.  In  the  first  case  the 
value  of  the  evidence  will  depend  upon  the 
general  character  of  the  witness  and  the  way 
in  which  his  evidence  harmonizes  with  our 
general  knowledge  of  the  period;  the  second 
case  represents  the  most  satisfactory  kind  of 


INTRODUCTION.  XV 

evidence,  when  the  witnesses  are  independent 
of  one  another.  In  the  last  case,  the  evidence 
of  the  most  reliable  witnesses  must  be  set  over 
against  the  least  reliable,  and  when  they  dis- 
agree the  evidence  of  the  unreliable  witnesses 
is  rejected.  These  are  the  general  principles. 
I  have  not  space  to  point  out  in  what  manner 
they  are  modified  in  the  application. 

Having  established  the  individual  facts,  the 
next  step  is  to  arrange  them.  This  may  be 
done  under  the  heads  of  time  and  place,  that  is, 
we  may  arrange  in  their  order  all  the  events 
that  have  taken  place  in  the'  United  States 
(place)  during  the  nineteenth  century  (time), 
or  it  may  be  done  in  accordance  with  the  rela- 
tion of  the  facts  to  some  feature  of  the  history 
of  the  period  studied,  as  the  constitution,  the 
religion,  the  art,  etc.  The  two  methods  may, 
of  course,  be  combined,  that  is,  we  may  ar- 
range the  facts  with  regard  to  religion  in  the 
United  States,  in  the  nineteenth  century.  The 
arrangement  of  the  facts  is  determined  by  the 
object  that  the  historian  has  in  mind  and  is 
nothing  more  than  putting  his  notes  in  order 
that  he  may  see  what  they  mean  as  a  whole, 
and  what  the  development  has  been.  At  first 
sight  it  might  appear  that  the  work  of  recon- 
struction was  now  at  an  end.  But  this  is  far 
from  the  truth. 

The  facts  having  been  established  it  is  neces- 
sary to  determine  what  each  fact  means  (inter- 
pretation) and  what  they  all  mean  when  taken 
together  (combination).  The  interpretation  of 
the  sources  is  divided  into  interpretation  of 
the  remains,  of  the  traditions,  and  interpreta- 
tion of  the  sources  by  one  another.  Suppose 
that  we  have  established  the  fact  that  in  one  of 
the  European  countries  milestones  of  a  certain 
kind  and  the  remains  of  walls  of  a  peculiar 


XVl  INTRODUCTION. 

construction  are  encountered  along  the  roads. 
Interpretation  justifies  us  in  saying  that  this 
was  once  the  course  of  a  Roman  highway. 
This  is  the  simplest  form  of  interpretation  of 
remains.  More  difficult  problems  in  interpre- 
tation would  be  to  restore  the  coinage  system 
of  a  country  from  the  coins  that  remained,  or 
to  describe  the  condition  of  the  early  Euro- 
pean tribes  from  the  root  words  common  to  all 
the  Aryan  people  on  the  continent.  An  inter- 
pretation of  the  facts  of  tradition  demands  a 
knowledge  of  the  writing  of  the  period  we  are 
studying,  of  the  style  of  the  writer,  of  the  time 
and  place  where  the  record  originated,  and  the 
character  of  the  writer.  All  of  these  things 
have  been  mentioned  under  the  head  of  gen- 
eral criticism;  they  must  be  applied  in  the  in- 
terpretation of  each  fact,  for  if  we  do  not 
understand  all  these  things,  we  shall  fail  to  in- 
terpret the  facts  correctly.  Last  of  all,  we  are 
much  aided  in  the  work  of  reconstruction, 
through  the  interpretation  of  the  sources  by 
one  another.  The  documents  are  often  unin- 
telligible, and  the  contemporary  narrative 
written  by  those  who  have  helped  to  make  the 
documents  tell  us  what  they  mean.  The  Iliad 
and  the  Odyssey  are  used  to  interpret  the  re- 
mains found  in  Greece  and  in  Asia  Minor. 
Having  now  fixed  the  facts  and  interpreted 
them  it  is  necessary  to  combine  these  interpre- 
tations that  we  may  get  a  view  of  the  whole 
subject.  The  combined  result  must  be  lighted 
up  by  phantasy  that  working  upon  the  results 
given  it  by  criticism,  interpretation,  and  com- 
bination endeavors  to  see  the  events  in  the 
form  in  which  they  happened.  It  is  not  with 
the  imagination  playing  freely  that  we  have  to 
do  here,  but  with  the  phantasy  dealing  with 
definite  data.  Where  the  phantasy  is  defective 


INTRODUCTION.  XV11 

the  highest  results  are  not  obtained;  where  the 
imagination  is  uncontrolled,  the  results  are 
unscientific  and  often  worthless.  Phantasy,  as 
here  used,  means  the  ability  to  restore  the  his- 
torical past  from  definite  data  without  doing 
violence  to  the  data.  But  all  the  difficulties 
of  reproduction  have  not  yet  been  enumerated. 

The  final  conception  of  the  subject  calls  for 
an  understanding  of  the  physical,  psychical, 
and  social  conditions  under  which  the  events 
took  place  and  their  relation  to  other  events. 
For  the  factors  to  be  considered  in  dealing 
with  human  development  are  the  influences  of 
nature,  the  psychology  of  the  individual  and 
of  the  masses,  and  the  institutions  under 
which  the  individual  lives.  Geography,  psy- 
chology, and  sociology  are  for  the  student  of 
history,  auxiliary  sciences.  Last  of  all,  in  con- 
sidering the  subject,  treated  in  its  deepest  and 
broadest  meaning,  the  historian  rises  into  the 
realm  of  the  philosophy  of  history. 

Having  thus,  step  by  step,  proceeding  from 
the  most  particular  to  the  most  general, 
formed  a  conception  of  the  past  period  in  ac- 
cord with  the  evidence,  the  historian  commits 
it  to  paper,  supporting  his  narative  through- 
out by  proof.  His  work  is  done.  He  has 
worked  carefully,  faithfully,  and  honestly,  but 
it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  value  of  the 
result  depends  upon  the  ability  of  the  his- 
torian and  the  material  at  his  disposal.  If  he 
had  at  his  disposal  all  the  sources  in  existence, 
if  criticisms,  interpretations,  combinations, 
and  reproductions  were  infallible,  it  would 
never  be  necessary  to  rewrite  the  history  of 
that  period.  But  that  is  inconceivable  and  as 
a  consequence  history  is  constantly  being  re- 
written from  the  sources. 

Such  is  the  way  in  which  history  is  written. 
2 


XV111  INTRODUCTION. 

"But  why,"  you  ask,  "has  so  much  space  been 
devoted  to  the  way  in  which  history  is  written? 
I  want  to  know  how  to  study  history  and  how 
to  teach  it."  The  student  of  history  and  the 
teacher  of  history  must  learn  of  the  writer  of 
history.  His  method  must  be  our  method. 
This  position  is  sound  and  is  in  harmony  with 
the  scientific  spirit  that  characterizes  all  our 
school  work  to-day.  You  may  read  history,  if 
you  will,  but  do  not  imagine  that  you  are 
studying  history,  if  you  are  not  employing  the 
method  of  the  historian  working  directly  with 
the  sources  and  forming  your  own  judgment. 
The  objection  will  be  raised  that  this  might 
do  for  the  specialist  in  history,  but  is  out  of 
place  when  applied  to  all  students  of  history. 
But  this  argument  is  not  logical.  It  is  just  as 
necessary  that  all  students  of  history  should 
do  laboratory  work  in  history  by  going  to  the 
sources,  as  that  all  students  of  botany,  chemis- 
try, and  physics  should  do  laboratory  work  in 
those  lines.  As  I  have  already  said,  the  labo- 
ratory idea  is  more  novel  when  applied  to  his- 
tory than  when  applied  to  some  other  subjects, 
but  it  is  not  less  true  because  it  is  novel.  It 
is  not  the  intention  to  make  historians  of  all 
our  boys  and  girls,  but  rather  to  teach  them  to 
study  what  history  they  do  study  scientific- 
ally. And  it  is  high  time  that  this  work  were 
being  done.  For  if  there  is  any  one  thing  that 
we  need  more  than  another  in  our  political  life, 
it  is  men  who  are  capable  of  determining  what 
are  facts  and  of  telling  what  those  facts  mean. 
In  the  past,  history  has  been  read  and  recited 
in  our  schools  that  our  boys  and  girls  might 
obtain  a  certain  amount  of  information  con- 
cerning their  nation  or  their  race.  May  it  be 
studied  in  the  future  for  the  further  purpose  of 
disciplining  their  minds  and  rendering  them 


INTRODUCTION.  XIX 

capable  of  forming  sound,  independent  judg- 
ments upon  the  sources  or  the  raw  materials 
of  history!  To  such  a  mind  the  opinion  of  an- 
other is  of  value  only  as  far  as  it  rests  upon 
evidence  that  stands  unscathed  the  test  of  the 
severest  criticism. 

Having  considered  the  way  in  which  history 
is  written,  it  is  now  in  order  to  point  out  its 
application  in  teaching.  The  success  of  the 
application  in  the  schoolroom  will  depend 
upon  the  extent  to  which  the  teacher  is  filled 
with  the  spirit  of  historical  research.  To  ac- 
quire a  fair  share  of  this  spirit,  genius  is  not 
necessary,  but  simply  a  desire  to  know  the 
truth  and  a  willingness  to  search  patiently  for 
it.  I  shall  assume,  then,  that  the  teacher  pos- 
sesses some  of  the  spirit  that  she  wishes  to 
impart  to  her  pupils,  and  that  she  is  endeavor- 
ing to  develop  more  of  that  spirit  in  herself. 

It  might  be  possible  to  deal  with  the  appli- 
cation of  the  method  to  all  the  grades,  from 
the  primary  to  the  graduate  course  in  the 
university,  but  that  would  be  too  comprehen- 
sive and  would  pass  beyond  the  scope  of  this 
chapter.  It  is  not  the  intention  to  describe  an 
ideal  state  of  things,  but  to  take  the  teaching 
of  history  as  it  exists  and  to  show  how  it  may 
be  improved.  We  shall  consider,  then,  how  the 
study  of  the  sources  may  be  made  practical  for 
the  high  schools,  and  how  by  devoting  no  more 
time  to  the  teaching  of  the  subject  than  is 
now  given,  better  results  may  be  obtained. 

The  source  work  cannot  be  done  without  a 
collection  of  sources  any  more  than  botany 
can  be  studied  without  plants.  But  by  a  col- 
lection of  sources  I  do  not  mean  a  library;  I 
mean  a  book  made  up  of  extracts  from  the 
sources  and  photographs  of  the  historical  re- 
mains. This  book  must  be  placed  in  the  hands 


XX  _  INTRODUCTION. 

of  the  pupil.  I  have  talked  with  teachers  who 
told  me  that  they  were  "using  the  new 
method,"  and  I  have  discovered  that  there  was 
but  one  copy  of  a  book  of  sources  in  the  school- 
room, and  that  was  on  the  teacher's  desk. 
They  believed  that  they  were  using  the  new 
method,  but  I  fear  that  they  did  not  know 
what  the  new  method  is. 

The  book  of  sources  is  no.t  a  narrative  like 
the  ordinary  school  history.  It  does  not  read 
smoothly.  "It  seems  to  be  disconnected,"  as 
one  puzzled  teacher  put  it.  She  was  right.  It 
is  disconnected,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  pupil 
under  the  guidance  of  the  teacher  to  connect 
it.  Out  of  the  photographs  of  ruins,  of  tem- 
ples, of  statuary,  of  remains  of  every  kind,  out 
of  the  extracts  from  documents,  diaries,  con- 
temporary narratives,  newspapers,  etc.,  this 
brick  and  lumber  and  mortar  of  history — 
teacher  and  pupil  are  to  do  on  a  small  scale 
what  the  historian  does  upon  a  large  scale — 
reconstruct  the  past. 

The  narrative  school  history  —  Meyers, 
Barnes,  or  Swinton — can  never  take  the  place 
of  the  book  of  sources,  nor  can  the  book  of 
sources  take  the  place  of  the  narrative.  The 
pupils  should  use  both.  If  they  can  have  but  one, 
it  should  be  the  book  of  sources,  supplemented  by 
a  condensed  statement  of  connecting  facts.  The 
narrative  text  and  the  book  of  sources  sup- 
plement one  another.  The  book  of  sources  con- 
tains the  material  to  be  worked  up  into  a  nar- 
rative; the  other  book  contains  the  material  that 
has  been  worked  up  into  a  narrative.  This  com- 
parison of  the  book  of  sources  with  a  good 
narrative  text  should  be  continued  until  their 
relation  is  understood.  The  books  are  not  op- 
posed to  one  another,  but  they  are  not  the  same 
thing  and  one  cannot  do  the  work  of  the  other. 


INTRODUCTION.  XXI 

The  source  extracts  that  follow  may  be  used 
in  various  ways.  They  may  be  employed  sim- 
ply as  supplementary  reading  in  connection 
with  a  narrative  history;  they  may  be  used 
to  supplement  a  book  made  up  partly  of 
sources — like  the  Sheldon-Barnes  histories, — 
not  all  of  the  questions  being  answered,  or 
each  study  may  be  worked  over  thoroughly  in 
accordance  with  the  directions  that  follow.  In 
that  case,  one  or  two  hours  a  week  would  be 
devoted  to  the  topic  until  the  study  upon  it 
was  complete.  This  is  one  of  the  most  con- 
servative ways  of  introducing  source  study. 
The  remaining  hours  of  the  week  could  be  de- 
voted to  the  continuous  study  of  some  portion 
of  European  History.  This  book  of  source  ex- 
tracts should  not  be  confounded  with  the 
books,  sometimes  called  source  books,  that 
contain  source  extracts  plus  a  condensed  state- 
ment of  connecting  facts.  Such  a  book  may 
furnish  material  enough  for  a  connected  study 
of  European  History;  the  extracts  in  this  book 
do  not. 

The  work  begins  by  an  examination  of  the 
book  of  extracts  that  the  pupil  may  under- 
stand what  they  are  and  what  he  is  to  do 
with  them.  The  method  of  work  should  then 
be  explained  and  for  the  morrow's  lesson  a 
number  of  questions  upon  the  first  extract  as- 
signed for  preparation.  The  mistake  of  requir- 
ing too  much  work  at  the  outset  should  not  be 
made.  Many  of  the  questions  look  simple  to 
the  teacher;  they  may  not  appear  so  simple 
to  the  pupil.  Moreover,  if  the  teacher  be  a 
bright  woman,  she  will  not  limit  herself,  in  the 
class  discussion,  to  these  questions,  but  will 
add  others  suggested  by  her  own  study. 

Before  the  pupils  come  into  the  class,  they 
must  prepare  their  lesson.  This  lesson  con- 


XX11  INTRODUCTION. 

sists  in  answering  a  number  of  questions,  or. 
in  other  w6rds,  solving  a  number  of  problems. 
This  is  the  rock  upon  which  a  large  majority 
of  the  teachers  have  been  wrecked.  They  did 
not  insist  upon  the  preparation  and  the  work 
was  not  done.  Each  question  must  be  an- 
swered fully,  the  answers  written  neatly  in  a 
note-book  and  brought  into  -the  class  in  that 
form.  This  should  represent  the  independent 
thought  of  the  pupil  and  should  enable  one  to 
gauge  his  ability.  An  answer  that  does  not 
carry  its  proof  with  it  should  not  be  accepted. 
"Yes"  and  "No"  are  not  complete  answers; 
they  are  simply  theorems  to  be  demonstrated. 
"Why  did  you  answer  'yes'?"  is  the  question 
to  be  put  at  once,  and  the  pupil  must  under- 
stand that  his  work  is  not  finished  until  he 
has  proved  his  point  by  evidence  taken  from  his 
source-book.  This  reasoning  must  all  appear  in 
the  answer  contained  in  the  note-book. 

When  the  class  meets  each  pupil  has  before 
him,  open  on  the  desk,  his  note-book  with  an- 
swers and  his  source-book.  This  exercise  is 
not  to  be  a  test  of  memory.  The  teacher 
should  not  waste  the  recitation  hour  in  trying 
to  discover  how  many  facts  have  lodged  in  the 
brain  of  this  boy  or  of  that  girl.  Let  the 
teacher  read  the  first  question  and  call  for  an 
answer.  •  She  should  be  sure  the  answer  is  read. 
Boys  and  girls  have  an  innate  objection  to  do- 
ing things  in  the  right  way.  She  told  them  to 
write  the  answers  out,  but  some  of  them  did 
not  think  she  meant  it.  She  must  convince 
them  that  they  are  unprepared  if  they  come 
to  class  without  the  written  answers.  The  an- 
swer read,  she  proceeds  to  criticise  it.  First 
of  all,  has  any  evidence  been  omitted?  Let 
other  members  of  the  class  supply  it.  Is  the 
reasoning  incorrect?  She  forces  the  pupil  to 


INTRODUCTION.  XX111 

defend  his  answer  with  the  evidence  before 
him  and  follows  him  from  point  to  point  until 
he  sees  that  it  cannot  be  defended.  When  his 
conclusions  are  wrong,  she  does  not  tell  him  so 
at  once  and  give  him  the  right  answer,  but  lets 
him  see  that  he  has  not  proved  his  point.  It 
may  be  through  lack  of  evidence;  it  may  be 
from  a  false  interpretation  or  combination. 
The  whole  discussion  plays  around  this  pupil's 
answer,  and  the  rest  of  the  class  is  drawn  into 
it.  The  pupils  having  more  evidence  and  other 
conclusions  contribute  them.  While  this  dis-1 
cussion  is  going  on,  every  member  of  the  class 
follows  closely  and  takes  down  in  his  note-book 
every  bit  of  evidence  that  he  had  overlooked 
and  every  interpretation  or  combination  that 
he  had  not  noticed  in  writing  his  answers.  At 
the  close  of  the  hour  each  pupil  goes  away 
knowing  more  about  the  subject  than  when  he 
came.  He  carried  in  his  own  work;  in  the 
class  room  he  added  the  ideas  of  the  teacher 
and  of  fellow  pupils.  The  class  notes,  as  proof 
of  attention,  must  be  insisted  upon  and  kept 
distinct  from  the  original  answers. 

The  work  goes  on  in  this  manner  until  all 
the  questions  on  the  topic  have  been  answered 
and  discussed.  Many  teachers  have  thought 
that  the  work  stopped  here,  but  if  the  method 
of  the  historian  is  to  be  our  model,  that  cannot 
be  true.  We  must  arrange  and  classify  our 
results  and  see  how  they  look  as  a  whole.  The 
results  to  be  arranged  are  the  answers  and 
class  notes.  Let  this  be  explained  to  the 
pupils  and  let  it  be  pointed  out  that  their  work 
on  the  topic  will  be  finished  only  when  the 
judgments  they  have  formed  are  arranged  in 
the  shape  of  a  narrative.  They  should  be  told 
that  they  are  writing  history.  It  may  not  be 
very  valuable  history  for  the  world  at  large, 


XXiV  INTRODUCTION. 

but  it  may  be  very  valuable  for  them.  Their 
conclusions  may  be  very  weak,  but  it  is  only 
through  the  exercise  of  the  judgment  that  they 
learn  to  draw  sound  conclusions.  They  are  to 
analyze  their  results  and  this  analysis  is  to  be 
given  the  form  of  an  outline.  If  they  do  not 
know  how  to  make  an  outline,  time  should  be 
taken  to  teach  them.  The  material  should  not 
be  arranged  for  them,  but  an  outline  of  some 
subject  should  be  upon  the  board  showing 
them  how  to  make  heads  and  sub-heads.  Then 
they  should  be  allowed  to  try  their  hands  on 
their  own  material. 

These  outlines — or  some  of  them — should 
be  placed  on  the  board  before  the  recitation 
and  criticised  during  the  recitation.  The  at- 
tempt should  not  be  made  to  run  them  all  in 
one  mould,  but  the  pupils  should  know  what 
they  are  about  and  be  able  to  give  reasons  for 
their  divisions  and  subdivisions.  Above  all, 
no  points  should  appear  in  the  outline  that 
cannot  be  supported  by  evidence.  It  is  true 
that — as  a  student  once  remarked — "a  man  has 
a  right  to  his  opinion,"  but  it  is  equally  true 
that  in  history  that  opinion  is  of  no  value  un- 
less it  rests  on  evidence. 

The  last  step  consists  in  composing  a  short 
narrative,  based  upon  and  following  the  out- 
line closely.  Portions  of  these  narratives 
should  be  read  and  criticised,  and  some  especi- 
ally good  narrative  read  in  its  entiretly  in  the 
class.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  the  teacher  should 
watch  closely  for  unsound  general  statements, 
for  inexact  and  incomplete  statements.  Any 
and  all  of  these  things  indicate  that  the  pupil 
is  not  working  with  his  eye  on  the  evidence. 
The  reading  of  the  narrative  completes  the 
study  on  that  topic,  and  the  same  operation  is 
repeated  with  the  next  topic. 


INTRODUCTION.  XXV 

As  the  pupil  goes  from  topic  to  topic  and 
handles  one  bit  of  evidence  after  another,  the 
teacher  should  let  slip  no  opportunity  of  ac- 
quainting him  with  the  principles  of  the  his- 
toric method  in  their  simplest  forms.  By  the 
use  of  many  simple  illustrations,  and  by  fre- 
quent reiteration,  the  boy  or  girl  is  led  to  see 
something  of  the  value  of  the  study  of  the  life 
of  humanity  and  to  understand  something 
about  his  relation  to  it.  He  may  learn,  little 
by  little,  that  the  restoration  of  the  past  must 
rest  upon  evidence,  and  after  he  has  made  an 
intelligent  study  of  a  period,  he  should  be  able 
to  enumerate  the  evidence  used.  In  connection 
with  his  American  history  he  might  even  be  al- 
lowed to  collect  evidence  and  to  learn  some- 
thing ^f  its  value.  Pupils  may  be  sent  to  old 
residents  to  gather  information  touching  the 
history  of  the  town,  state,  or  nation.  They 
may  be  asked  to  make  a  list  of  the  sources  that 
would  be  used  in  writing  a  history  of  the  town. 
This  list  should  be  based  upon  their  personal 
research.  Of  course,  with  young  pupils  the 
matter  of  criticism  cannot  be  carried  far,  but 
they  can  learn  that  an  eye  and  ear  witness  is 
the  best  kind  of  a  witness.  The  boy  who  went 
to  the  circus  is  listened  to  in  preference  to  the 
boy  who  did  not  go,  but  has  heard  about  it. 
They  can  understand  why  we  should  go  to  the 
diary  of  Columbus  if  we  want  to  know  what 
happened  on  his  voyage  to  America.  They  can 
even  understand  why  the  evidence  of  one  wit- 
ness is  better  than  that  of  another.  They 
know  that  if  their  father  belongs  to  one  politi- 
cal party  he  does  not  believe  what  the  papers 
of  the  other  party  say.  It  would  also  be  an 
easy  matter  to  show  how  difficult  it  is  to  learn 
the  whole  truth  about  an  event.  They  may 
write  independent  accounts  of  something  that 


XXVI  INTRODUCTION. 

has  recently  taken  place  in  the  city  or  town, 
and  of  which  they  have  personal  knowledge. 
The  accounts  should  be  as  careful  and  detailed 
as  possible.  Let  them  compare  the  accounts, 
noting  the  different  points  of  view  and  at- 
tempting to  reconcile  them,  thus  establishing 
the  matter  of  fact.  In  this  way  in  the  work  in 
United  States  or  general  history  a  thousand 
opportunities  will  occur  to  familiarize  the 
pupils  with  the  principles  of  the  historical 
method.  There  should  be  but  little  generaliza- 
tion at  the  outset;  the  generalizations  should 
develop  naturally  from  the  specific  cases. 

It  should  be  said  by  way  of  anticipation, 
that  the  teacher  should  not  feel  discouraged  if 
she  does  not  get  on  rapidly  at  first.  Let  her 
have  patience  and  persevere;  let  her  remember 
that  the  principles  of  historical  criticism  are 
but  the  rules  of  common  sense  employed  in 
every  day  life,  and  she  will  soon  see  light. 

The  success  of  the  work  will  depend,  to  a 
large  extent,  upon  the  control  of  the  note-book. 
I  have  found  that  the  most  satisfactory  book 
is  one  with  a  separable  cover.  The  leaves  are 
tied  in  as  fast  as  needed.  Covers  and  paper 
may  be  obtained  at  a  very  small  cost.  The 
material  should  be  arranged  in  the  book  in 
an  orderly  manner.  My  system  has  been  to 
follow  this  order:  Answers,  Class  Notes,  Out- 
lines, Narratives.  A  heading  on  each  sheet 
indicated  the  topic  to  which  the  answers  be- 
longed and  all  the  answers  were  numbered. 
Sheets  of  brown  cardboard  separated  the  An- 
swers from  the  Class  notes,  the  Class  notes 
from  the  Outlines,  etc.  The  object  of  all  this 
system  was  to  render  the  examination  of  the 
books  easy.  For  they  must  be  examined  at 
fixed  intervals  and  a  record  kept  of  their  con- 
dition. The  work  will  not  succeed  unless  the 


INTRODUCTION.  XXVH 

pupil  does  his  duty  and  the  condition  of  his 
book  is  an  excellent  test  of  how  he  is  doing  it 
The  record  for  each  pupil  may  be  kept  upon  a 
separate  sheet,  with v  the  following  columns, 
running  from  left  to  right:  Due  (when  the 
book  was  due  and  when  handed  in),  Answers 
(how  many,  quantity,  and  quality),  Class  notes 
(quantity  and  quality),  Outline,  Narrative,  Oral 
Discussion  (part  taken  by  the  pupil  in  class 
discussion).  At  the  end  of  the  term  the  card 
will  give  a  good  idea  of  what  the  pupil  has 
done.  There  was  one  other  column  headed 
'Time"  and  in.  it  was  noted  the  number  of 
hours  given  to  the  preparation  of  lessons.  It 
was  taken  from  the  student's  "time  card,"  kept 
in  the  back  of  his  note-book.  This  "time  card" 
was  of  the  size  of  the  note-book  and  was 
ruled  with  columns  at  the  left  for  the  date,  in 
the  center  for  a  statement  of  the  work  done 
(writing  answers,  making  outlines,  etc.),  and  at 
the  right  for  the  hours  or  minutes  given  to  the 
work.  The  keeping  of  this  card  is  a  valuable 
piece  of  work  in  itself.  Such  are  the  general 
suggestions  touching  the  work.  Others  will 
be  made  from  time  to  time  throughout  the 
year. 

The  following  works  contain  about  every- 
thing that  exists  on  method  in  the  English 
language.  They  have  to  do  more  with  the 
question  of  how  to  study  history  than  how  to 
teach  it,  but  I  have  tried  to  show  that  the 
teacher  must  know  how  to  study  history  before 
she  can  teach  it.  These  are  books  that  every 
teacher  of  history,  who  is  not  a  teacher  simply 
for  a  year  and  a  day,  should  possess.  They 
should  form  the  beginning  of  a  professional 
library.  Study  them,  meditate  upon  them,  and 
apply  their  teachings.  Go  to  th?m  again  and 
again,  until  you  have  mastered  them  and  are 
ready  for  something  better: 


INTRODUCTION. 

Freeman,  E.  A.,  Methods  of  Historical 
Study,  London,  1886;  Droysen,  J.  G.,  Princi- 
ples of  History,  Boston,  1893;  Hall,  G.  S., 
Methods  of  Teaching  History,  Boston,  1889; 
Andrews,  E.  B.,  Brief  Institutes  of  General 
History,  Boston,  1890;  Arnold,  T.,  Modern 
History,  New  York,  1895;  Acton,  Lord,  The 
Study  of  History,  London,  1896;  Stubbs,  W^ 
Medieval  and  Modern  History,  Oxford,  1887; 
Barnes,  M.  S.,  'Studies  in  Historical  Method, 
Boston,  1896;  Hinsdale,  B.  A.,  How  to  Studj 
and  Teach  History,  N.  Y.,  1895;  Langlois,  OK 
V.,  and  Seignobos,  Oh.:  Introduction  to  the 
Study  of  History,  N.  Y.,  1898;  Fling,  F.  M^ 
Outline  of  Historical  Method,  Lincoln,  1899. 

F.  M.  FLINCK 


European  History  Studies 

Yol.  II. ,  No.  1.  SEPTEMBER,  1898 

CIVILIZATION  DURING  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


CHRISTIAN  AND  PAGAN 




SELECTIONS  MADE 


BY 


GUERNSEY  JONES,  PH.D., 

UNIVERSITY  OF  NEBRASKA 


J.  H.  MILLER,  Publisher, 

LINCOLN,   NEBRASKA 


Yearly  Subscription,  40  cents  Single  Copy,  5  cents 

Ten  or  more  subscriptions  to  one  address,  30  cents 


PUBLISHED  MONTHLY,  EXCEPT  JULY  AND  AUGUST 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  the  Post  Office,  Lincoln,  Nebraska 
U.  S.  A. 


EUROPEAN  HISTORY  STUDIES. 


CHRISTIAN  AND  PAGAN. 

The  Works  of  Tacitus.  The  Oxford  transla- 
tion, revised,  with  notes.  Vol.  L,  the  An- 
nals. Vol.  II.,  the  History,  Germany, 
Agricola,  and  Dialogue  on  Orators.  Lon- 
don, 1890  and  1889.  Juvenal,  translated 
by  Charles  Badham,  M.D.,  F.R.S.,  and 
Persius,  translated  by  the  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  W. 
Drummond.  New  York,  1837.  The  Let- 
ters of  Caius  Plinius  Caecilius  Secundus. 
The  translation  of  Melmoth,  revised  and 
corrected  by  Rev.  F.  C.  Bosanquet,  B.A. 
London,  1890.  The  Lives  of  the  Twelve 
Caesars,  by  C.  Suetonius  Tranquillus,  trans- 
lated by  Alexander  Thompson,  M.D. 
Edited  by  J.  Eugene  Reed,  M.A.  Two 
volumes  bound  in  one.  Philadelphia,  1889. 
The  Writings  of  Quintus  Septimius  Flor- 
ens  Tertullianus.  In  three  volumes,  Vol. 
I.  In  Ante-Nicene  Christian  Library: 
translations  of  the  writings  of  the  Fathers 
down  to  A.D.  325.  Edited  by  the  Rev. 
Alexander  Roberts,  D.D.,  and  James  Don- 
aldson, LL.D.  Edinburgh,  1869. 

BEARING  in  mind  the  purpose  of  these  ex- 
tracts, I  quote  the  cheapest  and  most  ac- 
cessible editions  rather  than  the  most 
scholarly. 

The  student  should  make  himself  familiar 
with  the  most  important  facts  concerning  each 
author,  when  and  where  he  lived,  what  sort  of 
a  i  /in  he  was,  what  position  in  society  he  occu- 
pied, what  he  wrote,  etc.  For  the  purpose  of 


CHRISTIAN    AND      PAGAN. 

this  number,  the  chief  stress  in  preparing  the 
biographies  should  be  laid  on  the  question,  In 
how  far  may  the  opinions  expressed  here  be 
regarded  as  current  at  the  time  ?  In  how  far 
are  these  authors  "representative  men;-"  If 
Tacitus  and  Pliny  thought  ill  of  the  Christians, 
what  other  classes  in  Roman  society  in  all  prob- 
ability thought  the  same?  The  Pagan  writ- 
ers quoted  are  so  familiar  to  the  student  that 
no  information  concerning  them  is  necessary 
here.  Tertullian,  however,  is  less  generally 
known,  and  I  may  be  permitted  to  remark  that 
of  the  two  tendencies  in  the  early  Church,  the 
one  looking  to  an  assimilation  of  the  old  Grseco- 
Roman  civilization  and  seeking  an  accommoda- 
tion rather  than  a  conflict  with  the  Pagan  world, 
the  other  rejecting  any  mingling  of  Christian 
and  Pagan  whatsoever,  and  regarding  all  con- 
ciliatory efforts  as  acts  of  idolatry,  as  a  betrayal 
of  our  Lord,  of  these  two  tendencies,  Tertul- 
lian was  the  uncompromising  champion  of  the 
latter,  and  it  was  in  no  small  degree  due  to  his 
numerous  writings  that  the  early  Church  grad- 
ually assumed  this  attitude.  He  is  the  best 
representative  of  the  aggressive  side  of  early 
Christianity;  the  side  which  soon  controlled  the 
Church  and  triumphed  over  the  Empire.  He 
is  representative  of  the  Church  militant. 

Those  who  intend  to  follow  this  course  can 
not  do  better  than  to  provide  themselves  with 
Prof.  G.  B.  Adam's  Civilization  during  the 
Middle  Ages,  New  York,  1894.  Lecky's  His- 
tory of  European  Morals  from  Augustus  to 
Charlemagne,  Vol.  I.,  Ch.  III.,  should  be  con- 
sulted in  the  preparation  of  this  number. 
Prof.  Dana  C.  Munro  and  Edith  Bramhall, 


4  EUROPEAN   HISTORY    STUDIES. 

A.M.,  have  published  an  excellent  pamphlet  on 
The  Early  Christian  Persecution,  in  Transla- 
tions arid  Reprints  from  the  Original  Sources 
of  European  History,  published  by  the  Depart- 
ment of  History  of  the  University  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, Philadelphia,  1897.  Price  twenty  cents. 
It  has  a  select  bibliography  at  the  end. 

I.   WHAT  THE  ROMANS  THOUGHT  OF  THE  JEWS. 

Juvenal,  Satire  XIV.,  lines  127-152. 

There  be,  who,  bred  in  sabbath -fearing  lore, 
The  vague  divinity  of  clouds  adore ; 
Who,  like  their  sires,  their  skin  to  priests  resign, 
And  hate  like  human  flesh  the  flesh  of  swine. 
The  laws  of  Rome  those  blinded  bigots  slight, 
In  superstitious  dread  of  Jewish  rite: 
To  Moses  and  his  mystic  volume  true, 
They  set  no  traveller  right,  except  a  Jew! 
By  them  no  cooling  spring  was  ever  shown, 
Save  to  the  thirsty  circumcised  alone! 
Why  ?  but  that  each  seventh  day  their  bigot  sires 
Rescind  from  all  that  social  life  requires! 
Our  other  faults  will  youth  spontaneous  learn; 
But  one  there  is,  it  takes  some  pains  to  earn. 
A  specious  baseness,  that  in  virtue's  name 
And  solemn  garb  too  oft  appears  the  samel 

"A  careful  man!  frugal  and  self-denied  1 " 

Such  titles  oft  the  sordid  miser  hide, 

Whose  sharp-eyed  vigils  in  no  slumber  cease: 

( Like  Pontic  dragons  o'er  the  golden  fleece. ) 

Some,  too,  the  great  artificer  admire! 

'Tis  no  mean  thing  this  talent  to  acquire! 

As  if  the  petty  gains  that  avarice  sweeps 

From  every  side  would  not  at  last  be  heap 

As  if  the  workmen  whose  eternal  din 

Rings  on  the  anvil  should  no  wages  winl 

Tacitus,  Hist.  V.,  Ch.  IV.,  V.,  and  XIII. 

In  order  to  bind  the  people  to  him  for  the  time  to 
come,  Moses  prescribed  to  them  a  new  form  of  wor- 
ship, and  opposed  to  those  of  all  the  world  beside. 
Whatever  is  held  sacred  by  the  Romans,  with  the  Jews 


CHRISTIAN   AND    PAGAN.  5 

is  profane:  and  what  in  other  nations  is  unlawful  and 
impure,  with  them  is  permitted.  *  *  *  They 
abstain  from  the  flesh  of  swine,  from  the  recollection 
of  the  loathsome  affliction  which  they  had  formerly 
suffered  from  leprosy,  to  which  that  animal  is  subject. 
The  famine,  with  which  they  were  for  a  long  time  dis- 
tressed, is  still  commemorated  by  frequent  fastings; 
and  the  Jewish  bread,  made  without  leaven,  is  a  stand- 
ing evidence  of  their  seizure  of  corn.  They  say  that 
they  instituted  a  rest  on  the  seventh  day  because  that 
day  brought  them  rest  from  their  toils;  but  afterwards, 
charmed  with  the  pleasures  of  idleness,  the  seventh 
year  also  was  devoted  to  sloth.  *  *  *  (Ch.  IV.) 
These  rites  and  ceremonies,  howsoever  introduced, 
have  the  support  of  antiquity.  Their  other  institu- 
tions, which  have  been  extensively  adopted,  are  tainted 
with  execrable  knavery;  for  the  scum  and  refuse  of 
other  nations,  renouncing  the  religion  of  their  country, 
were  in  the  habit  of  bringing  gifts  and  offerings  to  Je- 
rusalem,—hence  the  wealth  and  grandeur  of  the  state; 
and  also  because  faith  is  inviolably  observed,  and  com- 
passion is  cheerfully  shown  towards  each  other,  while 
the  bitterest  animosity  is  harboured  against  all  others. 
*  *  *  The  first  thing  instilled  into  their  pros- 
elytes is  to  despise  the  gods,  to  abjure  their  country,  to 
set  at  nought  parents,  children,  brothers.  *  *  * 
The  Egyptians  worship  various  animals  and  images, 
the  work  of  men's  hands;  the  Jews  acknowledge  one 
God  only,  and  conceive  of  him  by  the  mind  alone,  con- 
demning, as  impious,  all  who,  with  perishable  ma- 
terials, wrought  into  the  human  shape,  form  represen- 
tations of  the  Deity.  That  Being,  they  say,  is  above 
all,  and  everlasting,  neither  susceptible  of  likeness  nor 
subject  to  decay.  In  consequence  they  allow  no  re- 
semblance of  him  in  their  city,  much  less  in  their  tem- 
ples. In  this  way  they  do  not  flatter  their  kings,  nor 
show  their  respect  for  their  Caesars.  But  because 
their  priests  performed  in  concert  with  the  pipe  and 
timbrels,  were  crowned  with  ivy,  and  a  golden  vine  was 
found  in  the  temple,  some  have  supposed  that  Bacchus, 
the  conqueror  of  the  East,  was  the  object  of  their  ador- 
ation; but  the  Jewish  institutions  have  no  conformity 
whatever  to  the  rites  of  Bacchus.  For  Bacchus  has 
ordain  ed-'festive  and  jocund  rites,  while  the  usages  of 
the  Jews  are  dull  and  repulsive.  (Ch.  V.) 


6  EUROPEAN    HISTORY   STUDIES. 

Prodigies  had  occurred  which  that  [the  Jewish]  race, 
enslaved  to  superstition,  but  opposed  to  religion,  held 
it  unlawful,  either  by  vows  or  victims,  to  expiate. 
*  *  *  (Ch.  XIII.) 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  three  charges  does  Juvenal  bring  against 
the  Jews?  2.  Does  Tacitus  give  essentially  the  same 
reasons  for  his  intense  dislike  of  them,  or  does  he  ad- 
vance others  ?  3.  Which  of  these  various  charges  would 
a  Roman  consider  to  be  the  most  serious'?  4.  Does 
Juvenal  seem  to  suspect  the  religious  significance  of 
the  Jewish  rites?  5.  Does  Tacitus  explain  them  cor- 
rectly ?  6.  Does  Juvenal  betray  the  least  sign  that  he 
appreciates  the  moral  greatness  of  this  people,  or  their 
importance  in  the  history  of  the  world?  7.  Does  Taci- 
tus? 8.  Is  Juvenal  impressed  by  the  purity  of  the  Jew- 
ish conception  of  their  Jehovah?  9.  Is  Tacitus?  10. 
Why  did  the  Romans  fail  to  appreciate  the  peculiar 
greatness  of  the  Jews?  11.  Is  ignorance  alone  a  satis- 
factory explanation  ? 

II.      WHAT  THE  ROMANS  THOUGHT  OF  THE 
CHRISTIANS. 

Tacitus,  The  Annals,  XV.,  Ch.  XLIV. 

*  *  *  But  not  all  the  relief  that  could  come 
from  man,  not  all  the  bounties  that  the  prince  could 
bestow,  nor  all  the  atonements  which  could  be  pre- 
sented to  the  gods,  availed  to  relieve  Nero  from  the 
infamy  of  being  believed  to  have  ordered  the  confla- 
gration. Hence,  to  suppress  the  rumour,  he  falsely 
charged  with  the  guilt,  and  punished  with  the  most 
exquisite  tortures,  the  persons  commonly  called  Chris- 
tians, who  were  hated  for  their  enormities.  Christus, 
the  founder  of  that  name,  was  put  to  death  as  a  crim- 
inal by  Pontius  Pilate,  procurator  of  Judea,  in  the 
reign  of  Tiberius;  but  the  pernicious  superstition,  re 
pressed  for  a  time,  broke  out  again,  not  only  through 
Judea,  where  the  mischief  originated,  but  through  the 
city  of  Rome  also,  whither  all  things  horrible  and  dis- 
graceful flow,  from  all  quarters,  as  to  a  common  re- 
ceptacle, and  where  they  are  encouraged.  Accordingly, 
first  those  were  seized  who  confessed  they  were  Chris- 
tians: next,  on  their  information,  a  vast  multitude 
were  convicted,  not  so  much  on  the  charge  of  burning 
the  city,  as  of  hating  the  human  race.  And  in  their 


CHRISTIAN    AND    PAGAN.  7 

deaths  they  were  also  made  the  subjects  of  sport,  for 
they  were  covered  with  the  hides  of  the  wild  beasts, 
and  worried  to  death  by  dogs,  or  nailed  to  crosses,  or 
set  fire  to,  and  when  day  declined,  burnt  to  serve  for 
nocturnal  lights.  Nero  offered  his  own  gardens  for 
that  spectacle,  and  exhibited  a  Circensian  game,  indis- 
criminately mingling  with  the  common  people  in  the 
habit  of  a  charioteer,  or  else  standing  in  his  chariot. 
Whence  a  feeling  of  compassion  arose  towards  the  suf- 
ferers, though  guilty  and  deserving  to  be  made  examples 
of  by  capital  punishment,  because  they  seemed  not  to 
be  cut  off  for  the  public  good,  but  victims  to  the  feroc- 
ity of  one  man. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  How  was  it  possible  for  a  man  of  Tacitus's  exalted 
moral  character,  who  saw  and  lamented  the  corruption 
of  Borne,  to  use  snch  harsn  expressions  against  the 
greatest  moral  force  the  western  world  has  ever  known? 
Could  he  have  been  well  informed  concerning  it?  2. 
Did  he  realize  its  importance  and  foresee  its  future? 
(This  is  his  only  reference  to  it.)  3.  Did  any  of  the 
educated  Romans  of  his  time  realize  its  importance? 
4.  Can  you  suggest  an  explanation  of  this  remarkable 
fact?  (Lecky,  European  Morals,  I.,  Ch.  III.)  5.  Did 
Tacitus  know  of  the  Jewish  origin  of  Christianity?- 6. 
Did  this  create  a  presumption  in  its  favor  to  his  mind? 
7.  What  practices  and  beliefs  of  the  early  Christians 
could,  if  not  perfectly  understood,  give  rise  to  the 
harsh  language  he  uses?  (infra)  8.  In  what  year  did 
these  events  occur?  9.  What  information  does  thia 
passage  offer  as  to  the  number  of  Christians  in  Rome 
at  this  time? 

Pliny  to  the  Emperor  Trajan,  Letters,  Book  X.,  Letter 

XCVIL 

It  is  my  invariable  rule,  Sir,  to  refer  to  you  in  all 
matters  where  I  feel  doubtful;  for  who  is  more  capable 
of  removing  my  scruples,  or  informing  my  ignorance  ?- 
Having  never  been  present  at  any  trials  concerning 
those  who  profess  Christianity,  I  am  unacquainted  not 
only  with  the  nature  of  their  crimes,  or  the  measure  of 
their  punishment,  but  how  far  it  is  proper  to  enter  into 
an  examination  concerning  them.  Whether,  there- 
fore, any  difference  is  usually  made  with  respect  to 
ages,  or  no  distinction  is  to  be  observed  between  the 
young  and  the  adult;  whether  repentance  entitles 
them  to  a  pardon;  or  if  a  man  has  been  once  a  Chris- 


8  EUROPEAN   HISTORY    STUDIES. 

tian,  it  avails  nothing  to  desist  from  his  error;  whether 
the  very  profession  of  Christianity,  unattended  with 
any  criminal  act,  or  only  the  crimes  themselves  inherent 
in  the  profession  are  punishable;  on  all  these  points  I 
am  in  great  doubt.  In  the  meanwhile,  the  method  I 
have  observed  towards  those  who  have  been  brought 
before  me  as  Christians  is  this:  I  asked  them  whether 
they  were  Christians;  if  they  admitted  it,  I  repeated 
the  question  twice,  and  threatened  them  with  punish- 
ment; if  they  persisted,  I  ordered  them  to  be  at  once 
punished:  for  I  was  persuaded,  whatever  the  nature 
of  their  opinions  might  be,  a  contumacious  and  inflex- 
ible obstinacy  certainly  deserved  correction.  There 
were  others  also  brought  before  me  possessed  with  the 
same  infatuation,  but  being  Roman  citizens,  I  directed 
them  to  be  sent  to  Rome.  But  this  crime  spreading 
( as  is  usually  the  case )  while  it  was  actually  under 
prosecution,  several  instances  of  the  same  nature  oc- 
curred. An  anonymous  information  was  laid  before 
me,  containing  a  charge  against  several  persons,  who 
upon  examination  denied  they  were  Christians,  or  had 
ever  been  so.  They  repeated  after  me  an  invocation  to 
the  gods,  and  offered  religious  rites  with  wine  and  in- 
cense before  your  statue  ( which  for  that  purpose  I  had 
ordered  to  be  brought,  together  with  those  of  the  gods ), 
and  even  reviled  the  name  of  Christ:  whereas  there  is 
no  forcing,  it  is  said,  those  who  are  really  Christians 
into  any  of  these  compliances:  I  thought  it  proper, 
therefore,  to  discharge  them.  Some  among  those  who 
were  accused  by  a  witness  in  person  at  first  confessed 
themselves  Christians,  but  immediately  after  denied 
it:  the  rest  owned,  indeed,  that  they  had  beer/  of  that 
number  formerly,  but  had  now  ( some  above  three, 
others  more,  and  a  few  above  twenty  years  ago )  re- 
nounced that  error.  They  all  worshipped  your  statue 
and  the  images  of  the  gods,  uttering  imprecations  at 
the  same  time  against  the  name  of  Christ.  v'They 
affirmed  the  whole  of  their  guilt,  or  their  error,  was, 
that  they  met  on  a  stated  day  before  it  was  light,  and 
addressed  a  form  of  prayer  to  Christ,  as  to  a  divinity, 
binding  themselves  by  a  solemn  oath,  not  for  the  pur- 
poses of  any  wicked  design,  but  never  to  commit  any 
fraud,  theft,  or  adultery,  never  to  falsify  their  word, 


CHRISTIAN   AND    PAGAN.  9 

nor  deny  a  trust  when  they  should  be  called  upon  to 
deliver  it  up;  after  which  it  was  their  custom  to 
separate,  and  then  reassemble,  to*  eat  in  common  a 
harmless  meal.  From  this  custom,  however,  they  de- 
sisted after  the  publication  of  my  edict,  by  which,  ac- 
cording to  your  commands,  I  forbade  the  meeting  of 
any  assemblies.  After  receiving  this  account,  I  judged 
it  so  much  the  more  necessary  to  endeavour  to  extort  the 
real  truth,  by  putting  two  female  slaves  to  the  torture, 
who  were  said  to  officiate  in  their  religious  rites:  but 
all  I  could  discover  was  evidence  of  an  absurd  and  ex- 
travagant superstition.  I  deemed  it  expedient,  there- 
fore, to  adjourn  all  further  proceedings,  in  order  to 
consult  you.  For  it  appears  to  be  a  matter  highly  de- 
serving your  consideration,  more  especially  as  great 
numbers  must  be  involved  in  the  danger  of  these  pro- 
secutions, which  have  already  extended,  and  are  still 
likely  to  extend,  to  persons  of  all  ranks  and  ages,  and 
even  of  both  sexes.  In  fact,  this  contagious  supersti- 
tion is  not  confined  to  the  cities  only,  but  has  spread 
its  infection  among  the  neighbouring  villages  and 
country.  Nevertheless,  it  still  seems  possible  to  re- 
strain its  progress.  The  temples,  at  least,  which  were 
once  almost  deserted,  begin  now  to  be  frequented;  and 
the  sacred  rites,  after  a  long  intermission,  are  again  re- 
vived; while  there  is  a  general  demand  for  the  victims, 
which  till  lately  found  very  few  purchasers.  From  all 
this  it  is  easy  to  conjecture  what  numbers  might  be  re- 
claimed if  a  general  pardon  were  granted  to  those  who 
shall  repent  of  their  error. 
Trajan  to  Pliny,  ib.,  Letter  XCVIII. 

You  have  adopted  the  right  course,  my  dearest 
Secundus  in  investigating  the  charges  against  the 
Christians  who  were  brought  before  you.  It  is  not 
possible  to  lay  down  any  general  rule  for  all  such  cases. 
Do  not  go  out  of  your  way  to  look  for  them.  If  indeed 
they  should  be  brought  before  you,  and  the  crime  is 
proved,  they  must  be  punished;  with  the  restriction, 
however,  that  where  the  party  denies  he  is  a  Christian, 
and  shall  make  it  evident  that  he  is  not,  by  invoking 
our  gods,  let  him  (notwithstanding  any  former  suspi- 
cion )  be  pardoned  upon  his  repentance.  Anonymous 
informations  ought  not  to  be  received  in  any  sort  of 
prosecution.  It  is  introducing  a  very  dangerous  prec- 
edent, and  is  quite  foreign  to  the  spirit  of  our  age. 


10  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 


QUESTIONS. 

1.  Of  what  violation  of  the  Roman  law  were  the 
Christians  guilty?  *%.  Why  should  obstinacy  be  con- 
sidered an  offence?  3.  What  was  implied  in  their  re- 
fusal to  worship  the  Emperor's  image ?  4.  Why  were 
associations  of  any  sort  so  strictly  forbidden  in  the 
Roman  Empire?  5.  Would  the  fact  that  the  meetings 
of  the  Christians  were  held  before  daylight  tend  to 
allay  suspicion  concerning  their"  object?  6.  Would 
the  fellowship  with  slaves  and  the  filling  of  offices  by 
them  impress  the  Romans  favorably?  7.  What  did 
Tacitus  think  of  even  freedmen  who  filled  offices? 
(Germ.,  Ch.  XXV.,  et  passim.)  8.  When  Pliny  says 
that  the  "superstition  is  not  confined  to  the  cities 
only,  but  has  [  even  ]  spread  its  infection  among  the 
neighbouring  villages  and  country,"  what  light  does  this 
throw  on  the  manner  in  which  early  Christianity 
spread?  9.  What  are  we  informed  concerning  the 
numbers  and  condition  of  the  Christians  in  thia 
province?  10.  Were  the  Romans  entirely  destitute  of 
a  feeling  of  justice,  even  towards  Christians  ? 

Suetonius,  Claudius,  Ch.  XXV. 

*  *  He  [  Claudius  ]  banished  from  Rome  all  the 
Jews,  who  were  continually  making  disturbances  at 
the  instigation  of  one  Chrestus.  *  *  * 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Is  Suetonius  correctly  informed  as  to  the  time  of 
Christ's  appearance  upon  earth?  2.  As  to  the  place? 

3.  Is  Chrestus  a  permissible  substitute  for  Christus, 
or  is  this  another  indication  of  Suetonius's  ignorance?* 

4.  Does  he  not,  in  fact,    confess  complete  ignorance 
concerning  the  personality  of  Christ?    5.  Is   Tacitus 
equally  ill  informed?    6.  Does  Suetonius    make   any 
distinction  between  Christians  and  Jews? 

Tertullian,  Ad  Nationes,  Ch.  XI. 

In  this  matter  we  are  [said  to  be]  guilty  not  merely 
of  forsaking  the  religion  of  the  community,  but  of  in- 
troducing a  monstrous  superstition;  for  some  among 
you  have  dreamed  that  our  god  is  an  ass's  head.— an 
absurdity  which  Cornelius  Tacitus  first  suggested.  In 
the  fourth  [fifth]  book  of  his  Histories,  where  he  is 
treating  of  the  Jewish  war,  he  begins  his  description 

*  NOTE.  Tertullian,  Apologeticus,  Ch.  III.  But  Christian,  so 
far  as  the  meaning  of  the  word  is  concerned,  is  derived  from 
anointing.  Yes,  and  even  when  it  is  wrongly  pronounced  by  you 
"Chrestianus  "  (  for  you  do  not  even  know  accurately  the  name 
you  hate  ),  it  comes  from  sweetness  and  benignity. 


CHRISTIAN   AND    PAGAN.  11 

with  the  origin  of  that  nation,  and  gives  his  own  views 
respecting  both  the  origin  and  the  name  of  their  religion. 
He  states  that  the  Jews,  in  their  migration  in  the 
desert,  when  suffering  for  want  of  water,  escaped  by 
following  for  guides  some  wild  asses,  which  they  sup- 
posed to  be  going  in  quest  of  water  after  pasture,  and 
that  on  this  account  the  image  of  one  of  these  animals 
was  worshipped  by  the  Jews.  For  this,  I  suppose,  it 
was  presumed  that  we,  too,  from  our  close  connection 
with  the  Jewish  religion,  have  ours  consecrated  under 
the  same  emblematic  form.  *  *  * 

QUESTION. 

1.  Did  the  Romans  always  distinguish  clearly  be- 
tween the  Christians  and  the  Jews? 

Tertullian,  Ad  Nationes,  Ch.  IX. 

If  the  Tiber  has  overflowed  its  banks,  if  the  Nile  has 
remained  in  its  bed,  if  the  sky  has  been  still  [i.  e. ;  if 
there  has  been  no  rain],  or  the  earth  been  in  commotion, 
if  death  has  made  its  devastations,  or  famine  its  afflic- 
tions, your  cry  immediately  is,  This  is  the  fault  of  the 
Christians!  As  if  they  who  fear  the  true  God  could 
have  to  fear  a  light  thing,  or  at  least  anytning  else 
[than  an  earthquake  or  famine,  or  such  visitations].  I 
suppose  it  is  as  despisers  of  your  gods  that  we  call 
down  on  us  these  strokes  of  theirs.  *  *  * 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Make  it  clear  from  the  extracts  below  why  the 
Christians  were  thought  to  be  more  offensive  to  the 
gods  than  any  of  the  other  numerous  religious  sects  in 
Rome,  some  of  which  were  exceedingly  vicious  and  im- 
moral. 2.  Would  you  expect  to  find  on  further  inves- 
tigation that  religion  and  morals  were  not  closely  con- 
nected in  the  Roman  mind?  (Lecky,  European  Morals, 
L,  Ch.  III.)  3.  Can  you  conceive  of  the  separation  of 
the  two?  4.  Do  you  think  it  indicates  a  high  or  low 
stage  of  religious  development,  when  the  chief  func- 
tion of  religion  is  to  propitiate  an  angry  deity. 

III.  WHAT  THE  CHRISTIANS  THOUGHT  OF  THE 
ROMANS,  AND  HOW  THE  CHRISTIANS  BROUGHT 
PERSECUTION  UPON  THEMSELVES. 

Tertullian,  De  Spectaculis,  Ch.  XXX. 
But  what  a  spectacle  is  that  fast-approaching  advent 

of  our  Lord,  now  owned  by  all,  now  highly  exalted, 


12  EUROPEAN   HISTORY    STUDIES. 

now  a  triumphant  One!  What  that  exultation  of  the 
angelic  hosts!  what  the  glory  of  the  rising  saints!  what 
the  kingdom  of  the  just  thereafter!  what  the  city  of 
New  Jerusalem!  Yes,  and  there  are  other  sights,  that 
last  day  of  judgment,  with  its  everlasting  issues;  that 
day  unlocked  for  by  the  nations,  the  theme  of  their  de- 
rision, when  the  world,  hoary  with  age,  and  all  its  many 
products,  shall  be  consumed  in  one -great  flame!  How 
vast  a  spectacle  then  bursts  upon  the  eye!  What  there 
excites  my  admiration?  what  my  derision?  Which 
sight  gives  me  joy?  which  rouses  me  to  exultation? — as 
I  see  so  many  illustrious  monarchs,  whose  reception  into 
the  heavens  was  publicly  announced,  groaning  now  in 
the  lowest  darkness  with  great  Jore  himself,  and  those, 
too,  who  bore  witness  of  their  exultation;  governors  of 
provinces,  too,  who  persecuted  the  Christian  name,  in 
fires  more  fierce  than  those  with  which  in  the  days  of 
their  pride  they  raged  against  the  followers  of  Christ! 
What  world's  wise  men  besides,  the  very  philosophers, 
in  fact,  who  taught  their  followers  that  God  had  no  con- 
cern in  ought  that  is  sublunary,  and  were  wont  to  as- 
sure them  that  either  they  had  no  souls,  or  that  they 
would  never  return  to  the  bodies  which  at  death  they 
had  left,  now  covered  with  shame  before  the  poor  de- 
luded ones,  as  one  fire  consumes  them!  Poets  also, 
trembling  not  before  the  judgment-seat  of  Rhadaman- 
thus  or  Minos,  but  of  the  unexpected  Christ!  I  shall 
have  a  better  opportunity  then  of  hearing  the  trage- 
dians, louder- voiced  in  their  own  calamity ;  of  viewing 
the  play-actors,  much  more  "  dissolute"  in  the  dissolv- 
ing flame;  of  looking  upon  the  charioteer,  all  glowing 
in  his  chariot  of  fire;  of  witnessing  the  wrestlers,  not  in 
their  gymnasia,  but  tossing  in  the  fiery  billows;  unless 
even  then  I  shall  not  care  to  attend  to  such  ministers 
of  sin,  in  my  eager  wish  rather  to  fix  a  gaze  insatiable 
on  those  whose  fury  vented  itself  against  the  Lord. 
*  *  * 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  How  must  the  Romans  have  relished  this  prediction 
of  the  downfall  of  the  Empire?  of  the  fate  in  store  for 
their  most  illustrious  emperors,  their  philosophers,  poets, 
etc.?  of  the  destruction  of  all  that  they  held  dear?  2. 
May  it  possibly  have  been  something  of  this  sort  which 
Pliny  extorted  by  torture  from  the  two  deaconesses,  and 
which  seemed  to  him  a  vicious,  extravagant  supersti- 


CHRISTIAN   AND   PAGAN.  13 

fcion?    3.   Could  it  have  seemed  less  vicious  from  the 
exultation  with  which  this  destruction  was  predicted? 

4.  Are  these  the  words  of  a  "hater  of  the  human  race?" 

5.  The  fall  of  the  Empire  was  predicted  in  much  more 
direct  terms.     Was  this  treason? 

Tertullian,  Ad  Scapnlam,  Ch.  II. 

We  are  worshippers  of  one  God,  of  whose  existence 
and  character  nature  teaches  all  men ;  at  whose  light- 
enings  you  tremble,  whose  benefits  minister  to  your 
happiness.  You  think  that  others,  too,  are  gods;  the 
same  we  know  to  be  devils.  *  *  * 

Tertullian,  On  Idolatry,  Ch.  I. 

The  principal  crime  of  the  human  race,  the  highest 
guilt  charged  upon  the  world,  the  whole  procuring 
cause  of  judgment,  is  idolatry.  For,  although  each 
single  fault  retains  its  own  proper  feature,  although 
it  is  destined  to  judgment  under  its  own  proper  name 
also,  yet  it  is  marked  off  under  the  [general]  count  of 
idolatry.  *  *  * 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Is  Tertullian  of  the  opinion  that  all  religious  sys- 
tems contain  at  least  some  truth,  and  may  therefore 
be  regarded  with  a  tolerant  eye,  and  may  even  be 
studied  with  profit?  (He  would  admit  this,  I  think, 
of  Judaism. )  2.  Does  he  try  to  minimize  the  differ- 
ences between  the  Christians  and  the  Pagans?  3.  Was 
a  compromise  with  Paganism  possible? 

Tertullian,  On  Idolatry,  Ch.  VIII. 

There  are  also  other  species  of  very  many  arts 
which,  although  they  extend  not  to  the  making  of 
idols,  yet,  with  the  same  criminality,  furnish  the  ad- 
juncts without  which  idols  have  no  power.  For  it 
matters  not  whether  you  erect  or  equip;  if  you  have 
embellished  his  temple,  or  altar,  or  niche,  if  you  have 
pressed  out  gold-leaf,  or  have  wrought  his  insignia,  or 
even  his  house:  work  of  that  kind,  which  confers  not 
shape,  but  authority,  is  more  important.  If  the  neces- 
sity of  maintenance  is  urged  so  much,  the  arts  have 
other  species  withal  to  afford  means  of  livelihood,  with- 
out outstepping  the  path  of  discipline,  that  is,  with- 
out the  confiction  of  an  idol.  The  plasterer  knows 
both  how  to  mend  roofs,  and  lay  on  stuccoes,  and  pol- 
ish a  cistern,  and  traces  ogees,  and  draw  in  relief  on 


14  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

party-walls  many  other  ornaments  beside  likenesses. 
The  painter,  too,  and  the  marble-mason,  and  the 
bronze- worker,  and  every  graver  whatever,  knows  ex- 
pansions of  his  own  art,  of  course  much  easier  of  ex- 
ecution. For  how  much  more  easily  does  he  who  de- 
lineates a  statue  overlay  a  sideboard!  How  much 
sooner  does  he  who  carves  a  Mars  out  of  a  lime-tree, 
fasten  together  a  chest!  *  *  -  * 
Ib.,  Ch.  X. 

Moreover,  we  must  inquire  likewise  touching  school- 
masters; nor  only  them,  but  also  all  other  professors  of 
literature.  Nay,  on  the  contrary,  we  must  not  doubt 
that  they  are  in  affinity  with  manifold  idolatry:  first, 
in  that  it  is  necessary  for  them  to  preach  the  gods  of 
the  nations,  to  express  their  names,  genealogies,  hon- 
ourable distinctions, all  and  singular;  further, to  observe 
the  solemnities  and  festivals  of  the  same,  as  of  them 
by  whose  means  they  compute  their  revenues.  What 
schoolmaster,  without  a  table  of  the  seven  idols,  will 
yet  frequent  the  Quinquatria?  The  very  first  payment 
of  every  pupil  he  consecrates  both  to  the  honour  and 
to  the  name  of  Minerva.  *  *  *  New-year's 
gifts  likewise  must  be  caught  at,  and  the  Septimon- 
tium  kept;  and  all  the  presents  of  Mid- winter  and  the 
feast  of  Dear  Kinsmanship  must  be  exacted;  the 
schools  must  be  wreathed  with  flowers;  the  flamen's 
wives  and  the  aediles  sacrifice;  the  school  is  honoured 
on  the  appointed  holy-days.  The  same  thing  takes 
place  on  an  idol's  birthday;  every  pomp  of  the  devil 
is  frequented.  *  *  * 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  sort  of  employments  did  Tertullian  consider 
to  be  inconsistent  with  the  Christian  faith?  2.  Why 
should  no  Christian  be  a  schoolmaster? 

Tertullian,  De  Corona,  Ch.  XL  and  XII. 

To  begin  with  the  real  ground  of  the  military  crown, 
I  think  we  must  first  inquire  whether  warfare  is  proper 
at  all  for  Christians.  What  sense  is  there  in  discussing 
the  merely  accidental,  when  that  on  which  it  rests  is 
to  be  condemned  ?  Do  we  believe  it  lawful  for  a  human 
oath  to  be  superadded  to  one  divine,  and  for  a  man  to 
come  under  promise  to  another  man  after  Christ,  and  to 
abjure  father  and  mother  and  all  nearest  kinsfolk,  whom 


CHRISTIAN   AND   PAGAN.  15 

even  the  law  has  commanded  us  to  honour  and  love 
next  to  God  Himself,  to  whom  the  gospel,  too,  holding 
them  only  of  less  account  than  Christ,  has  in  like  man- 
ner rendered  honour  ?  Shall  it  be  held  lawful  to  make  an 
occupation  of  the  sword,  when  the  Lord  proclaims  that 
he  who  uses  the  sword  shall  perish  by  the  sword  ?  And 
shall  the  son  of  peace  take  part  in  the  battle  when  it 
does  not  become  him  even  to  sue  at  law  ?  And  shall  he 
apply  the  chain,  and  the  prison,  and  the  torture,  and 
the  punishment,  who  is  not  the  avenger  even  of  his  own 
wrongs  ?  Shall  he,  forsooth,  either  keep  watch-service 
for  others  more  than  for  Christ,  or  shall  he  do  it  on  the 
Lord's  day/when  he  does  not  even  do  it  for  Christ  Him- 
self ?  And  shall  he  keep  guard  before  the  temples  which 
he  has  renounced?  And  shall  he  take  a  meal  where  the 
apostles  have  forbidden  him?  [1  Cor.  VIII.  10.]  And 
shall  he  diligently  protect  by  night  those  whom  in  the 
day-time  he  has  put  to  flight  by  his  exorcisms,  leaning 
and  resting  on  the  spear  the  while  with  which  Christ's 
side  was  pierced  ?  Shall  he  carry  a  flag,  too,  hostile  to 
Christ?  And  shall  he  ask  a  watchword  from  the  em- 
peror who  has  already  received  one  from  God  ?  Shall  he 
be  disturbed  in  death  by  the  trumpet  of  the  trumpeter, 
who  expects  to  be  aroused  by  the  angel's  trump  ?  And 
shall  the  Christian  be  burned  according  to  camp  rule, 
when  he  was  not  permitted  to  burn  incense  to  an  idol, 
when  to  him  Christ  remitted  the  punishment  of  fire? 
Then  how  many  other  offenses  there  are  involved  in 
the  performance  of  camp  offices,  which  we  must  hold 
to  involve  a  transgression  of  God's  law,  you  may  see  by 
a  slight  survey.  *  *  *  (Ch.  XL) 

When  military  service  again  is  crowned  with  olive, 
the  idolatry  has  respect  to  Minerva,  who  is  equally  the 
goddess  of  arms— but  got  a  crown  of  the  tree  referred 
to,  because  of  the  peace  she  made  with  Neptune.  In 
these  respects  the  superstition  of  the  military  garland 
will  be  everywhere  defiled  and  all-defiling.  And  it  is 
further  defiled,  I  should  think,  also  in  the  grounds  of 
it.  Lo  1  the  yearly  public  pronouncing  of  vows;  what 
does  that  bear  on  its  face  to  be?  It  takes  place  first  in 
the  part  of  the  camp  where  the  general's  tent  is,  and 
then  in  the  temples.  In  addition  to  the  places,  observe 
the  words  also :  "We  vow  that  you,  O  Jupiter,  will 
then  have  an  ox  with  gold-decorated  horns. "  What 


16  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

* 

does  the  utterance  mean?  Without  a  donbt,  the  denial 
[of  Christ].  Albeit  the  Christian  says  nothing  in  these 
places  with  the  "month,  he  makes  his  response  by  hav- 
ing the  crown  on  his  head.  The  laurel  is  likewise 
commanded  [to  be  used]  at  the  distribution  of  the  lar- 
gess. So  you  see  idolatry  is  not  without  its  gain,  sell- 
ing, as  it  does,  Christ  for  pieces  of  gold,  as  Judas  did 
for  pieces  of  silver.  *  *  *  (Ch.  XII.) 

Tertullian.  On  Idolatry.     Ch.  XVII. 

Hence  arose,  very  lately,  a  dispute  whether  a  servant 
of  God  should  take  the  administration  of  any  dignity 
or  power,  if  he  be  able,  whether  by  some  special  grace, 
or  by  adroitness,  to  keep  himself  intact  from  every 
species  of  idolatry;  after  the  example  that  both  Joseph 
and  Daniel,  clean  from  idolatry,  administered  both 
dignity  and  power  in  the  livery  and  purple  of  the  pre- 
fecture of  entire  Egypt  and  Babylonia.  And  so  let  us 
grant  that  it  is  possible  for  any  one  to  succeed  in  mov- 
ing, in  whatsoever  office,  under  the  mere  name  of  the 
office,  neither  sacrificing  nor  lending  his  authority  to 
sacrifices;  not  farming  out  victims;  not  assigning  to 
others  the  care  of  the  temples;  not  looking  after  their 
tributes;  not  giving  spectacles  at  his  own  or  the  public 
charge,  or  presiding  over  the  giving  them;  making 
proclamation  or  edict  for  no  solemnity;  not  even  taking 
oaths:  moreover  (what  comes  under  the  head  of  power), 
neither  sitting  in  judgment  on  any  one's  life  or  char- 
acter (for  you  might  bear  with  his  judging  about 
money) ;  neither  condemning  nor  fore- condemning; 
binding  no  one,  imprisoning  or  torturing  no  one— if  it 
is  credible  that  all  this  is  possible. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Did  the  Romans  especially  prize  military  and 
civic  virtues?  2.  Could  the  Roman  Empire  have  been 
built  up  without  them,  and  could  it  hope  to  withstand 
the  barbarians  if  they  were  undermined?  3.  Would 
the  Romans  be  able  to  appreciate  Tertullian's  point  of 
view?  4.  Would  they  regard  such  words  as  treason- 
able? 5.  How  may  his  expressions  be  justified?  6. 
Were  there  no  Christian  soldiers,  and  no  Christian 
magistrates? 
Tertullian,  To  his  Wife,  Book  II. ,  Ch.  IV. 

But  let  her  [a  Christian  woman  who  marries  an  un- 


CHRISTIAN   AND   PAGAN.  17 

believer]  see  to  [  the  question]  how  she  discharges  her 
duties  to  her  husband.  To  the  Lord,  at  all  events,  she  is 
unable  to  give  satisfaction  according  to  the  requirements 
of  discipline ;  having  at  her  side  a  servant  of  the  devil, 
his  lord's  agent  for  hindering  the  pursuits  and  duties  of 
believers:  so  that  if  a  station  is  to  be  kept,  the  husband 
at  daybreak  makes  an  appointment  with  his  wife  to 
meet  him  at  the  baths;  if  there  are  fasts  to  be  ob- 
served, the  husband  that  same  day  holds  a  convivial 
banquet;  if  a  charitable  expedition  has  to  be  made, 
never  is  family  business  more  urgent.  For  who  would 
suffer  his  wife,  for  the  sake  of  visiting  the  bretheren, 
to  go  round  from  street  to  street  to  other  men's,  and  in- 
deed to  all  the  poorer,  cottages?  Who  will  willingly 
bear  her  being  taken  from  his  side  by  nocturnal  con- 
vocations, if  need  so  be?  Who,  finally,  will  without  anx- 
iety endure  her  absence  all  the  night  long  at  the  paschal 
solemnities?  Who  will,  without  some  suspicion  of  his 
own,  dismiss  her  to  attend  that  Lord's  Supper  which 
they  defame?  Who  will  suffer  her  to  creep  into  prison 
to  kiss  a  martyr's  bonds?  nay,  truly,  to  meet  any  one  of 
the  bretheren  to  exchange  the  kiss?  to  offer  water  for 
the  saints'  feet?  to  snatch  [somewhat  for  them]  from 
her  food,  from  her  cup?  to  yearn  [after  them]?  to 
have  [  them  ]  in  her  mind?  If  a  pilgrim  brother  arrive, 
what  hospitality  for  him  in  an  alien  home?  If  bounty 
is  to  be  distributed  to  any,  the  granaries,  the  store- 
houses, are  foreclosed. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Is  it  any  wonder  that  these  peculiarities  of  the 
Christians  were  misunderstood,  and  that  hideous  rumors 
were  circulated?  2.  Does  Tertullian  realize  the  prob- 
ability of  their  being  misund  erstood  ?  3.  Is  he  convinced 
that  no  intimate  social  intercourse  is  possible  between 
Christian  and  Pagan?  4.  Does  he  dwell  upon  these 
facts  in  sorrow  or  in  defiance? 

Tertullian,  On  Idolatry,  Ch.  XXII. 

Equally,  one  who  has  been  initiated  into  Christ  will 
not  endure  to  be  blessed  in  the  name  of  the  gods  of  the 
nations,  so  as  not  always  to  reject  the  unclean  benedic- 
tion, and  to  cleanse  it  out  for  himself  by  converting  it 
Godward.  -<  To  be  blessed  in  the  name  of  the  gods  of  the 
nations  is  to  be  cursed  in  the  name  of  God.  If  I  have 


18  EUROPEAN   HISTORY    STUDIES. 

given  an  alms,  or  shown  any  other  kindness,  and  the 
recipient  pray  that  his  gods,  or  the  Genius  of  the 
colony,  may  be  propitious  to  me,  my  oblation  or  act  will 
immediately  be  an  honour  to  idols,  in  whose  name  he 
returns  me  the  favour  of  blessing.  *  *  * 

Ib.,  Ch.  XXIII. 

In  borrowing  money  from  heathens  under  pledged  se- 
curities, [Christians]  give  a  guarantee  under  oath, 
*  Christ  prescribes  that  there  is  to  be  no 
swearing.  *  *  *  Pray  we  the  Lord  that  no 
necessity  for  that  kind  of  contract  may  ever  encompass 
us,  *  *  *  lest  those  denying  letters  * 
*  *  be  brought  forward  against  us  in  the  day  of 
judgment,  sealed  with  the  seals,  not  now  of  witnesses, 
but  of  angels! 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Must  it  have  been  difficult  for  a  Christian  to  en- 
gage in  business  if  sworn  contracts  were  not  permitted 
them  ?  2.  Must  these  prohibitions  have  served  to  mark 
them  off  as  an  unsociable  religious  sect? 

GENERAL  QUESTIONS. 

1.  Make  it  clear  how  the  peculiarities  of  the  early 
Christians,  if  misunderstood,  could  give  rise  to  the 
charges  (1)  of  gross  licentiousness,  (2)  of  hating  the 
human  race,  (3)  of  bringing  down  the  wrath  of  the 
gods  upor  the  city,  4)  of  treason,  2.  Make  it  clear 
that  there  was  an  irrepressible  conflict  between  the 
old  and  new  ideals,  and  that  there  could  be  no  co-oper- 
ation between  Pagan  and  Christian  either  in  public  or 
in  private  life.  3.  Can  the  persecutions  be  palliated 
from  this  point  of  view  ?  4.  Has  a  society  the  right  to 
defend  itself  from  dissolution,  and  did  the  Romans  use 
the  only  means  of  defense  the  ancient  world  knew  ? 
5.  What  traits  had  the  Jews  and  Christians  in  com- 
mon which  would  lead  the  Romans  sometimes  to  con- 
fuse them  ?  6.  What  facts  can  you  suggest  to  explain 
why  the  Christians  were  persecuted  fiercely,  while  the 
Jews  escaped  almost  entirely?  7.  Illustrate  as  many  of 
these  facts  as  possible  by  passages  drawn  from  New 
Testament  literature. 


European  History  Studies 

F.  M.  FLING,  PH.D.,  EDITOR. 
Vol.  II.  No.  2.  OCTOBEB,  1898 

CIVILIZATION  DURING  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


TEUTONIC  BARBARIANS 


SELECTIONS  MADE 


GUERNSEY  JONES,  PH.D., 

UNIVERSITY  OF  NEBRASKA 


J.  H.  MILLER,  Publisher, 

LINCOLN,   NEBRASKA 


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EUROPEAN  HISTORY  STUDIES. 


CIVILIZATION    DURING    THE    MIDDLE 
AGES. 

II.    The  Teutonic  Barbarians. 

Tacitus.  A  Treatise  on  the  Situation,  Manners,  and 
Inhabitants  of  Germany.  In  Vol.  II.  of  the  Works 
of  Tacitus.  The  Oxford  Translation,  revised. 
London,  1889. 

OUR  only  sources  of  information  concern- 
ing the  life  of  Tacitus  are  references 
contained  in  his  own  works  and  in  the 
letters  of  his  friend,  the  younger  Pliny.  These 
furnish  us,  however,  with  by  no  means  all  the 
information  we  could  desire.  He  was  born 
about  A.D.  54,  and  died  some  time  after  A.D. 
117.  We  infer  from  his  early  and  rapid  polit- 
ical advancement  and  from  his  marriage  with 
the  daughter  of  Agricola,  that  he  was  of  good 
family.  He  filled,  among. others,  the  distin- 
guished offices 'of  praetor  and  consul.  In  the 
years  89-93  he  was  absent  from  Rome,  and  it 
has  been  surmised  that  he  spent  the  time  in 
Germany;  but  this  can  not  be  proved.  On  the 
contrary,  the  best  authorities  are  inclined  to  the 
view  that  he  never  visited  that  country. 

How  then  did  he  get  his  information  for  the 
Germania?  It  is  clear  that  his  prominence  in 
public  life  would  enable  him  to  obtain  all  the 
information  which  Rome  could  offer,  accounts 
of  returning  soldiers  and  travelers,  descrip- 
tions by  Germans  visiting  Rome,  and  the  like. 
But  there  was  another  source  of  information, 
which  was  probably  his  chief  one.  There  ex- 
isted at  his  time  a  considerable  Roman  litera- 


TEUTONIC    BARBARIANS.  21 

ture  on  the  early  Germans,  of  which,  with  the 
exception  of  Tacitus,  Caesar,  and  Paterculus, 
nothing  of  very  great  importance  remains. 
This  literature  Tacitus  must  have  known  and 
used,  so  that  the  Germania  presents  a  summary 
of  all  that  centuries  of  warfare  had  taught  the 
Romans  about  their  northern  neighbors. 

There  have  been  a  number  of  theories  advanced 
as  to  the  purpose  of  Tacitus  in  writing  the  Ger- 
mania. One  of  these  is  to  the  effect  that  the 
work  was  intended  to  be  nothing  more  nor  less 
than  an  elaborate  satire  on  the  corrupt  condi- 
tion of  Rome.  The  student  should  bear  this 
theory  in  mind  in  his  examination  of  the  work, 
and  should  try  to  come  to  a  definite  conclusion 
concerning  it.  For  if  Tacitus  intended  not  to 
describe  tfye  Germans  but  only  to  lay  it  over 
the  backs  of  the  Romans,  the  tendency  would 
be  for  him  not  only  to  paint  the  Germans  in  a 
too  favorable  light,  but  even  to  idealize  them 
beyond  recognition.  Certain  French  political 
philosophers  of  the  last  century  idealized  our 
Indians  until  they  became  models  of  sweetness 
and  light.  That  the  Germania  contains  much 
satire  the  student  will  soon  convince  himself, 
and  will  be  on  his  guard  accordingly.  But 
is  this  the  main  purpose  of  the  work,  or  is  it 
an  incident?  Has  Tacitus  only  praise  to  be- 
stow upon  the  Germans?  Does  he  fail  to  paint 
their  squalor  and  vices  as  vividly  as  he  paints 
their  virtues?  If  so,  his  description  must  be 
exceedingly  treacherous  material  for  the  his- 
torian. 

If  the  student  satisfies  himself  that  in  the 
main  Tacitus  was  a  very  well-informed  and 
conscientious  writer,  whose  object,  in  spite  of 


22  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

his  constant  side-thrusts  at  the  corruptions  of 
Rome,  was  to  portray  the  Germans  as  he  saw 
them,  he  will  be  confronted  with  the  further 
problem,  how  to  bridge  over  the  gulf  between 
the  Germans  as  they  existed  in  the  mind  of 
Tacitus  and  the  Germans  as  they  were  in  reality. 
It  would  be  very  surprising  indeed  if  Tacitus 
made  no  mistakes;  and,  in  fact,  investigators 
have  no  difficulty  in  convicting  him  of  inac- 
curacies in  detail.  How  may  the  student  detect 
these  inaccuracies?  How  may  he  sift  the  true 
from  the  false?  This  process  is  so  difficult  in 
the  case  of  the  Germania  that  the  beginner  had 
better  not  attempt  it.  He  had  better  treat  this 
not  as  an  exercise  in  the  Determination  of  the 
Fact,  but  chiefly  as  an  exercise  in  Interpreta- 
tion. His  subject  will  be  the  early  Teutons  as 
described  l>y  Tacitus.  Whether  the  description 
corresponds  in  every  case  to  the  facts  is 
another  problem  of  historical  investigation. 

The  interpretation  of  the  Germania  offers 
great  difficulties.  On  account  of  certain  defects 
of  style,  viz.,  extreme  condensation  and  fre- 
quent obscurities,  many  of  its  passages  are 
down-right  riddles.  One  must,  of  course,  use 
the  original  Latin  in  cases  where  it  is  necessary 
to  draw  fine  distinctions,  but  for  rough  pur- 
poses the  translation  may  be  made  to  serve. 

One  of  the  methods  which  the  investigators 
of  the  early  Teutons  are  attempting  to  apply  in 
the  Determination  of  the  Fact  is  the  examina- 
tion of  the  Germania  in  the  light  of  facts  fur- 
nished by  the  science  of  Comparative  Ethnology. 
Although  this  method  is  far  beyond  the  average 
student,  he  may  get  a  faint  idea  of  it  by  com- 
paring the  Germans  as  portrayed  by  Tacitus 


TEUTONIC    BARBARIANS.  23 

with  some  other  race  or  races  in  approximately 
the  same  state  of  development.  The  Homeric 
Greeks,  as  shown  in  European  History  Studies 
Vol.  L,  No.  1.,  and  our  own  North  American 
Indians  before  they  fell  under  the  blight  of 
European  civilization  will  serve  this  purpose 
admirably.  I  have  inserted  a  few  questions  for 
the  purpose  of  this  comparison,  but  of  course 
the  teacher  will  consult  his  own  pleasure  about 
using  them. 

4.  I  concur  in  opinion  with  those  who  believe  the  Ger- 
mans never  to  have  intermarried  with  other  nations; 
bnt  to  be  a  race,  pnre,  unmixed,  and  stamped  with  a 
distinct  character.    Hence  a  family  likeness  pervades 
the  whole,  though  their  numbers  are  so  great:  eyes 
stern  and  blue;  ruddy  hair;  large  bodies,  powerful  in 
sudden  exertions,  but  impatient  of  toil  and  labor,  least 
of  all  capable  of  sustaining  thirst  and  heat.     Cold  and 
hunger  they  are  accustomed  by  their  climate  and  soil 

to  endure. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Does  this  description  of  the  physical  characteris- 
tics of  the  Teutons  hold  good  at  the  present  day?  2. 
Is  it  clear  to  you  why  the  ideal  German  of  literature 
and  the  drama  is  blond?  3.  Show  from  Tacitus'  de- 
scription of  Teutonic  agriculture  (infra)  that  the  num- 
bers of  the  Teutons  must  have  been  very  small  as  com 
pared  with  those  of  the  present  day. 

5.  The  land,  though  varied  to  a  considerable  extent  in 
its  aspect,  is  yet  universally  shagged  with  forests,  or 
deformed  by  marshes:  moister  on  the  side  of  Gaul, 
more  bleak  on  the  side  of  Noricum  and  Pannonia.     It 
is  productive  of  grain,  but  unkindly  to  fruit-trees.     It 
abounds  in  flocks  and  herds,  but  in  general  of  a  small 
breed.     Even  the  beeve  kind  are  destitute  of  their  usual 
stateliness  and  dignity  of  head:  they  are,  however, 
numerous,  and  form  the  most  esteemed,  and,  indeed, 
the  only  species  of  wealth.     Silver  and  gold  the  gods, 
I  know  not  whether  in  their  favor  or  anger,  have  de- 
nied to  this  country.     Not  that  I  would  assert  that  no 
veins  of  these  metals  are  generated  in  Germany;  for 


24  EUROPEAN    HISTORY   STUDIES. 

who  has  made  the  search?  The  possession  of  them  is 
not  coveted  by  these  people  as  it  is  by  us.  Vessels  of 
silver  are  indeed  to  be  seen  among  them,  which  have 
been  presented  to  their  embassadors  and  chiefs;  but 
they  are  held  in  no  higher  estimation  than  earthenware. 
The  borderers,  however,  set  a  value  on  gold  and  silver 
for  the  purposes  of  commerce  and  have  learned  to  dis- 
tinguish several  kinds  of  our  coin,  some  of  which  they 
prefer  to  others:  the  remoter  inhabitants  continue  the 
more  simple  and  ancient  usage  of  bartering  commodi- 
ties. The  money  preferred  by  the  Germans  is  the  old 
and  well-known  species,  such  as  the  Serrati  and  Bigati. 
They  are  also  better  pleased  with  silver  than  gold;  not 
on  account  of  any  fondness  for  that  metal,  but  because 
the  smaller  money  is  more  convenient  in  their  common 
and  petty  merchandise. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Does  Tacitus  mention  elsewhere  other  species  of 
wealth  than  flocks  and  herds?  2.  Find  other  instan- 
ces where  Tacitus  offers  slight  contradictions  to  his  own 
generalizations,  showing  that  he  did  not  intend  them 
to  be  taken  too  literally.  3.  Are  flocks  and  herds 
usually  the  first  species  of  wealth  among  primitive 
tribes  ?  4.  Trace  the  derivation  of  the  word  pecuniary. 
5.  Did  the  North  American  Indians  have  flocks  and 
herds  before  the  coming  of  the  whites?  6.  Why  not? 
7.  Is  Germany  to-day  universally  shagged  with  for- 
ests or  deformed  by  marshes  ?  *  8.  What  must  have 
been  the  state  of  agriculture  under  such  conditions? 
9.  Could  there  have  been  much  commerce?  10.  Can 
manufacturers  thrive  to  any  extent  without  commerce? 
11.  Must  the  Germans  not  have  been,  according  to  our 
standards,  miserably  poor? 

6.  Even  iron  is  not  plentiful  among  them,  as  may  be 
inferred  from  the  nature  of  their  weapons.-  Swords  or 
broad  lances  are  seldom  used;  but  they  generally  carry 
a  spear  ( called  in  their  language  framed ),  which  has 
an  iron  blade,  short  and  narrow,  but  so  sharp  and 
manageable,  that,  as  occasion  requires,  they  employ  it 
either  in  close  or  distant  fighting.  This  spear  and  a 


•The  forests  have  been  in  large  measure  cleared  and  the 
marshes  drained.  This  seems  to  have  had  a  permanent  effect 
upon  the  climate.  The  Romans  made  military  expeditions  by 
water  which  are  now  impossible,  and  philology  teaches  us  that 
the  trees  in  Germany  at  that  time  were  those  which  require 
much  moisture. 


TEUTONIC   BARBARIANS.  25 

shield  are  all  the  armor  of  the  cavalry.  The  foot,  have, 
besides,  missile  weapons,  several  to  each  man,  which 
they  hurl  to  an  immense  distance.  They  are  either 
naked,  or  lightly  covered  with  a  small  mantle;  and 
have  no  pride  in  equipage:  their  shields  only  are  orna- 
mented with  the  choicest  colors.  Few  are  provided 
with  a  coat  of  mail;  and  scarcely  here  and  there  one 
with  a  casque  or  helmet.  Their  horses  are  neither  re- 
markable for  beauty  or  swiftness,  nor  are  they  taught 
the  various  evolutions  practiced  with  us.  The  cavalry 
either  bear  down  straight  forward,  or  wheel  once  to 
the  right,  in  so  compact  a  body  that  none  is  left  behind 
the  rest.  Their  principal  strength,  on  the  whole,  con- 
sists in  their  infantry:  hence  in  an  engagement  these 
are  intermixed  with  the  cavalry;  so  well  accordant 
with  the  nature  of  equestrian  combats  is  the  agility  of 
those  foot  soldiers,  whom  they  select  from  the  whole 
body  of  their  youth,  and  place  in  front  of  the  line. 
Their  number,  too,  is  determined;  a  hundred  from 
each  canton;  and  they  are  distinguished  at  home  by  a 
name  expressive  of  this  circumstance;  so  that  what  at 
first  was  only  an  appellation  of  number,  becomes 
thenceforth  a  title  of  honor.  Their  line  of  battle  is 
disposed  in  wedges.  To  give  ground,  provided  they 
rally  again,  is  considered  rather  as  a  prudent  stratagem 
than  cowardice.  They  carry  off  their  slain  even  while 
the  battle  remains  undecided.  The  greatest  disgrace 
that  can  befall  them  is  to  have  abandoned  their  shields. 
A  person  branded  with  this  ignomy  is  not  permitted  to 
join  in  their  religious  rites,  or  enter  their  assemblies; 
so  that  many,  after  escaping  from  battle,  have  put  an 
end  to  their  infamy  by  the  halter. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Which  is  the  truer  indication  of  the  stage  of 
development  of  a  race,  its  use  of  the  precious  metals  or 
its  use  of  iron?  2.  Did  the  Homeric  Greeks  use  iron? 
8.  Did  the  North  American  Indians?  4.  What  is  the 
state  of  agriculture  and  manufactures  where  iron  is 
unknown?  5.  Describe  the  military  organization  of 
the  Germans.  6.  Did  they  win  their  battles  prin- 
cipally by  skillful  tactics  or  by  hard  fighting?  7.  Is 
an  elaborately  planned  battle  possible  where  the  gen- 
erals command  less  through  the  force  of  authority 
than  of  example  ?  (  Ch.  7. )  8.  Were  the  Germans  per- 
sonally brave  ?  9.  How  did  they  treat  cowardice  and 


26  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

desertion?  (Ch.  12.)  10.  Describe  their  equipment. 
11.  Had  the  Romans  a  very  great  advantage  over  them 
with  regard  to  equipment?  12.  With  regard  to  disci- 
pline and  strategy?  18.  It  has  been  urged  that  the  oc- 
currence of  the  word  framed  shows  that  Tacitus  knew 
at  least  something  of  the  German  language,  and  there- 
fore must  have  been  in  Germany  to  learn  it.  What  do 
you  think  of  this  argument?  14.  It  has  also  been  urged 
that  some  of  Tacitus's  descriptions  are  so  vivid  that  he 
must  have  been  an  eye-witness  of  the  scenes  he  de 
scribes.  What  do  you  think  of  this  argument? 

7.  In  the  election  of  kings  they  have  regard  to  birth ; 
In  that  of  generals,  to  valor.     Their  kings  have  not  an 
absolute  or  unlimited  power;  and  their  generals  com- 
mand   less  through   the  force  of  authority  than  of 
example.     If  they  are  daring,  adventurous,  and  con- 
spicuous in  action,  they  procure  obedience  from  the 
admiration    they  inspire.      None,   however,   but    the 
priests  are   permitted    to  judge  offenders,   to  inflict 
bonds  or  stripes;  so  that  chastisement  appears  not  as 
an  act  of  military  discipline,  but  as  the  instigation  of 
the  god  whom   they  suppose  present  with  warriors. 
They  also  carry  with  them  to  battle  certain  images  and 
standards  taken  from  the  sacred  groves.     It  is  a  princi- 
pal incentive  to  their  courage,  that  their  squadrons  and 
battalions  are  not  formed  by  men  fortuitously  collected, 
but  by  the  assemblage  of  families  and  clans.     Their 
pledges  also  are  near  at  hand;  they  have  within  hear- 
ing the  yells  of  their  women,  and  the  cries  of  their 
children.     These,  too,  are  the  most  revered  witnesses 
of  each  man's  conduct,  these  his  most  liberal  applaud- 
ers.     To  their  mothers  and  their  wives  they  bring  their 
wounds  for  relief,  nor  do  these  dread  to  count  or  to 
search  out  the  gashes.     The  women  also  minister  food 
and  encouragement  to  those  who  are  fighting. 

8.  Tradition  relates  that  armies  beginning  to  give  way 
have  been  rallied  by  the  females,  through  the  earnest- 
ness of  their  supplications,  the  interposition  of  their 
bodies,  and  the  pictures  they  have  drawn  of  impending 
slavery,  a  calamity  which  these  people  bear  with  more 
patience  for  their  women  than  themselves;   so  that 
those  states  who  have  been  obliged  to  give  among  their 
hostages  the  daughters  of  noble  families,  are  the  most 
effectually  bound  to  fidelity.     They  even  suppose  some- 
what of  sanctity  and  prescience  to  be  inherent  in  the 


TEUTONIC   BARBARIANS.  27 

female  sex;  and  therefore  neither  despise  their  coun- 
sels, nor  disregard  their  responses.        *        *        * 

QUESTIONS. 

Reges  ex  nobilitate,  duces  ex  virtute  sumunt,  is  the 
first  sentence.  They  choose  the  kings  on  the  basis  of, 
or  according  to  the  degree  of  nobility,  the  generals  on 
the  basis  of,  or  according  to  the  degree  of  valor.  1. 
Was  the  participation  of  the  people  an  essential  element 
in  the  choice  of  their  kings?  2.  Did  they  have  refer- 
ence only  to  birth  in  their  choice?  3.  If  so,  must  not  the 
instances  in  which  they  really  exercised  any  influence, 
viz.,  where  there  were  candidates  of  equally  exalted 
birth,  have  been  very  rare  indeed?  4.  Was  rank  ig- 
nored entirely  in  the  selection  of  generals?*  5.  Were 
there  gradations  of  rank  in  the  German  nobility?  6. 
Do  you  infer  that  all  the  tribes  had  kings?  (Ch.  25  and 
43.)  7.  Had  none  of  the  kings  absolute  or  unlimited 
power?  (Ch.  44.)  8.  Did  the  priests  form  a  separate 
class  in  the  community?  9.  Did  they  exercise  public 
authority?  (Also  Ch.  11.)  10.  Is  a  high  or  a  low  po- 
sition of  women  indicated  here?  11.  Do  primitive 
tribes,  for  example,  the  North  American  Indians,  have 
similar  ideas  about  the  sanctity  and  prescience  of  the 
female  sex?  12.  Was  the  freedom  of  the  individual  in 
German  society  in  danger  of  being  crushed  as  it  was  in 
the  Roman  Empire,  by  its  political  organization?  13. 
Why  was  it  possible  for  society  to  continue  to  exist 
with  so  little  display  of  authority? 

9.  Of  the  gods,  Mercury  is  the  principal  object  of  their 
adoration;  whom,  on  certain  days,  they  think  it  lawful 
to  propitiate  even  with  human  victims.  *  *  * 
They  conceive  it  unworthy  the  grandeur  of  celestial  be- 
ings to  confine  their  deities  within  walls,  or  to  represent 
them  under  a  human  similitude:  woods  and  groves  are 
their  temples;  and  they  affix  names  of  divinity  to  that 
secret  power,  which  they  behold  with  the  eye  of  ador- 
ation alone. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Did  the  Germans  worship  Roman  gods,  or  did 
Tacitus  use  Roman  names  to  indicate  resemblances  be- 
tween the  Roman  and  the  German  deities?  2.  Can  you 
suggest  another  reason  why  the  Germans  did  not  build 
temples?  (Ch.  16.)  3.  Has  not  Tacitus  suggested  an 
ideal  rather  than  a  real  explanation? 

*It  has  been  noticed  that  Tacitus  never  mentions  generals 
who  were  not  of  the  nobility,  and  that  where  the  leaders  of  the 
Germans  are  mentioned  he  usually  gives  the  descent.  Hence, 
it  is  thought  that  what  he  means  to  say  is,  that  the  most  valiant 
among  the  nobility  were  chosen  for  this  office. 


28  EUROPEAN   HISTORY    STUDIES. 

11.  On  affairs  of  smaller  moment,  the  chiefs  consult; 
on  those  of  greater  importance,  the  whole  community; 
yet  with  this  circumstance,  that  what  is  referred  to  the 
decision  of  the  people  is  first  maturely  discussed  by  the 
chiefs.     They  assemble,  unless  upon  some  sudden  emer- 
gency, on  stated  days,  either  at  the  new  or  full  moon, 
which  they  account  the  most   auspicious  season   for 
beginning  any  enterprise.     Nor  do'they,  in  their  com- 
putation of  time,  reckon,  like  us,  by  the  number  of 
days,  but  of  nights.     In  this  way  they  arrange  their 
business;  in  this  way  they  fix  their  appointments;  so 
that,  with  them,  the  night  seems  to  lead  the  day.     An 
inconvenience  produced  by  their  liberty  is,  that  they 
do  not  all  assemble  at  a  stated  time,  as  if  it  were  in 
obedience  to  a  command;    but  two  or  three  days  are 
lost  in  the  delays  of  convening.     When  they  all  think 
fit,  they  sit  down  armed.     Silence  is  proclaimed  by  the 
priests,  who  have  on  this  occasion  a  coercive  power. 
Then  the  king,  or  chief,  and  such  others  as  are  conspicu- 
ous for  age,  birth,  military  renown,  or  eloquence,  are 
heard;  and  gain  attention  rather  from  their  ability  to 
persuade,  than  their  authority  to  command.     If  a  pro- 
posal displease,  the  assembly  reject  it  by  an  inarticu- 
late murmur;    if  it  prove  agreeable,  they  clash  their 
javelins;  for  the  most  honorable  expression  of  assent 
among  them  is  the  sound  of  arms. 

12.  Before  this  council,  it  is  likewise  allowed  to  exhibit 
accusations,  and  to  prosecute  capital  offences.     Punish- 
ments are  varied  according  to  the  nature  of  the  crime. 
Traitors  and  deserters  are  hung  upon  trees:  cowards, 
dastards,    and    those   guilty  of  unnatural  practices, 
are    suffocated    in    mud    under  a  hurdle.     This  dif- 
ference of   punishment    has    in   view   the   principle, 
that  villainy  should  be  exposed  while  it  is  punished, 
but  turpitude   concealed.     The  penalties  annexed   to 
slighter  offences  are  also  proportioned  to  the  delin- 
quency.    The  convicts  are  fined  in  horses  and  cattle: 
part  of   the  mulct  goes   to  the   king  or  state;    part 
to  the  injured  person,  or  his  relations.     In  the  same 
assemblies  chiefs  are  also  elected,  to  administer  justice 
through   the  cantons  and  districts.     A  hundred  com- 
panions, chosen  from  the  people,  attend  upon  each  of 
them,  to  assist  them  as  well  with  their  advice  as  their 
authority. 


TEUTONIC  BARBARIANS.  29 


QUESTIONS. 

1.  Is  this  a  general  council  of  all  the  Germans,  or 
merely  of  each  separate  tribe?  2.  How  often  did  it 
meet  ?  3.  Describe  its  procedure.  4.  Was  there  free- 
dom of  speech  in  it  for  every  freeman?  5.  What  sort 
of  questions  were  brought  before  it?  6.  Was  it  con- 
sulted by  the  chiefs  merely  as  a  matter  of  form,  or  did 
it  have  a  real  voice  in  public  affairs?  7.  Was  there 
any  restriction  upon  its  power?  8.  What  form  of  gov- 
ernment does  this  constitute?  9.  Was  the  German 
criminal  code  severe? 

13.  The  Germans  transact  no  business,  public  or  pri- 
vate, without  being  armed:  but  it  is  not  customary  for 
any  person  to  assume  arms  till  the  state  has  proved  his 
ability  to  use  them.  Then,  in  the  midst  of  the  assem- 
bly, either  one  of  the  chiefs,  or  the  father,  or  a  rela- 
tion, equips  the  youth  with  a  shield  and  javelin. 
These  are  to  them  the  manly  gown;  this  is  the  first 
honor  conferred  on  youth;  before  this  they  are  consid- 
ered as  part  of  a  household;  afterward,  of  the  state. 
The  dignity  of  chieftain  is  bestowed  even  on  mere  lads  * 
whose  descent  is  eminently  illustrious,  or  whose  fathers 
have  performed  signal  services  to  the  public;  they  are 
associated,  however,  with  those  of  mature  strength, 
who  have  already  been  declared  capable  of  service;  nor 
do  they  blush  to  be  seen  in  the  ranks  of  companions. 
For  the  state  of  companionship  itself  has  its  several  de- 
grees, determined  by  the  judgment  of  him  whom  they 
follow;  and  there  is  a  great  emulation  among  the  com- 
panions, which  shall  possess  the  highest  place  in  the 
favor  of  their  chief;  and  among  the  chiefs,  which  shall 
excel  in  the  number  and  valor  of  his  compactions.  It  is 
their  dignity,  their  strength,  to  be  always  surrounded 
with  a  large  body  of  select  youth,  an  ornament  in  peace, 
a  bulwark  in  war.  And  not  in  his  own  country  alone, 
but  among  the  neighboring  states,  the  fame  and  glory 

•This  is  incorrectly  translated.  The  meaning  is, The  dignity 
conferred  by  the  chieftain  mentioned  above,  i.  e.,  the  dignity  of 
bearing  arms,  is  bestowed,  etc.  As  the  translation  stands,  is  it 
possible  to  reconcile  this  sentence  with  the  first  sentence  of 
chapter  7?  After  a  few  experiences  of  this  sort,  the  student  will 
readily  see  that  though  translations  may  be  very  useful  for  the 
purpose  of  instruction,  yet  if  one  intends  to  make  oneself  an 
authority  in  any  field,  one  must  be  able  to,  read  the  original  rec- 
ords, no  matter  in  what  language  they  may  be  written.  Even 
with  the  original  record  before  them,  investigators  frequently 
enough  base  a  theory  upon  a  passage  imperfectly  or  quite  f  alsely 
understood. 


30  EUROPEAN    HISTORY  STUDIES. 

of  each  chief  consists  in  being  distinguished  for  the 
number  and  bravery  of  his  companions.  Such  chiefs 
are  courted  by  embassies;  and  often  by  their  reputation 
alone  decide  a  war. 

14.  In  the  field  of  battle,  it  is  disgraceful  for  the  chief 
to  be  surpassed  in  valor;  it  is  disgraceful  for  the  compan- 
ions not  to  equal  their  chief;  but  it  is  reproach  and  in- 
famy during  a  whole  succeeding  life  to  retreat  from 
the  field  surviving  him.     To  aid,  to  protect  him;  to 
place  their  own  gallant  actions  to  the  account  of  his 
glory,  is  their  first  and  most  sacred  engagement.     The 
chiefs  fight  for  victory;  the  companions  for  their  chief. 
If  their  native  country  be  long  sunk  in  peace  and  inac- 
tion, many  of  the  young  nobles  repair  to  some  other 
state  then  engaged  in  war.     For,  besides  that  repose  is 
unwelcome  to  their  race,  and  toils  and  perils  afford 
them  a  better  opportunity  of  distinguishing  themselves; 
they  are  unable,  without  war  and  violence,  to  maintain 
a  large  train  of  followers.     The  companion  requires 
from  the  liberality  of  his  chief,  the  warlike  steed,  the 
bloody  and  conquering  spear;  and  in  place  of  pay  he 
expects  to  be  supplied  with  a  table,  homely  indeed,  but 
plentiful.      The  funds  for  this  munificence  must  be 
found  in  war  and  rapine;  nor  are  they  so  easily  per- 
suaded to  cultivate  the  earth,  and  await  the  produce 
of  the  seasons,  as  to  challenge  the  foe,  and  expose  them- 
selves to  wounds;  nay,  they  even  think  it  base  and 
spiritless  to  earn  by  sweat  what  they  might  purchase 
with  blood. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  was  the  chief  employment  of  the  Germans? 
2.  What  determined  the  age  at  which  the  youth  became 
a  citizen?  3.  Did  the  Germans  look  with  distrust  upon 
a  chief  who  surrounded- himself  with  a  powerful  re- 
tinue of  warriors?  4.  Would  this  be  tolerated  now-a- 
days?  5.  What  was  the  tie  which  bound  the  compan- 
ion to  his  chief?  6.  Was  it  mutual  gain?  7.  Did  this 
institution  (called  comitatus)  assume  great  proportions 
in  German  public  life?  8.  Did  the  Germans  look  upon 
this  as  unworthy  personal  dependence  upon  another? 
The  student  should  pay  particular  attention  to  the 
constitution  of  the  comitatus,  since  he  will  come  upon 
it  again  in  studying  the  origin  of  the  feudal  system. 

15.  During  the  intervals  of  war,  they  pass  their  time 
less  in  hunting  than  in  a  sluggish  repose,  divided  be- 
tween sleep  and  the  table.     All  the  bravest  of  the  war- 
riors, committing  the  care  of  the  house,  the  family 


TEUTONIC   BARBARIANS.  31 

affairs,  and  the  lands,  to  the  women,  old  men,  and 
weaker  part  of  the  domestics,  stupefy  themselves  in  in- 
action: so  wonderful  is  the  contrast  presented  by  nature, 
that  the  same  persons  love  indolence,  and  hate  tranquil- 
lity! It  is  customary  for  the  several  states  to  present, 
by  voluntary  and  individual  contributions,  cattle  or 
grain  to  their  chiefs;  which  are  accepted  as  honorary 
gifts,  while  they  serve  as  necessary  supplies.  They  are 
peculiarly  pleased  with  presents  from  neighboring  na- 
tions, offered  not  only  by  individuals,  but  by  the  com- 
munity at  large;  such  as  fine  horses,  heavy  armor,  rich 
housings,  and  gold  chains.  We  have  now  taught  them 
also  to  accept  of  money. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  "Would  it  be  difficult  to  illustrate  nearly  every 
statement  in  this  and  the  next  half  dozen  or  more 
chapters  by  examples  from  North  American  tribes?  2. 
What  members  of  the  family  do  the  work  among  races 
in  this  stage  of  development?  3.  Did  the  wife  exercise 
practical  control  in  the  German  household?  4.  Is  this 
usual  among  primitive  races?  5.  Must  the  German 
chiefs  been  held  in  high  esteem  ?  6.  Does  Tacitus  any- 
where mention  compulsory  taxation?  7.  Does  this  in- 
dicate a  high  or  a  low  state  of  political  development? 
8.  Do  you  think  life  was  on  a  very  high  plane  among 
the  early  Teutons? 

16.  It  is  well  known  that  none  of  the  German  nations 
inhabit  cities,  or  even  admit  of  contiguous  settlement. 
They  dwell  scattered  and  separate,  as  a  spring,  a 
meadow,  or  a  grove  may  chance  to  invite  them.  Their 
villages  are  laid  out,  not  like  ours,  in  rows  of  adjoining 
buildings;  but  every  one  surrounds  his  house  with  a 
vacant  space,  either  by  way  of  security  against  fire,  or 
through  ignorance  of  the  art  of  building.  For,  indeed, 
they  are  unacquainted  with  the  use  of  mortar  and 
tiles;  and  for  every  purpose  employ  rude  unshapen 
timber,  fashioned  with  no  regard  to  pleasing  the  eye. 
They  bestow  more'  than  ordinary  pains  in  coating  cer- 
tain parts  of  their  buildings  with  a  kind  of  earth,  so 
pure  and  shining  that  it  gives  the  appearance  of  paint- 
ing. They  also  dig  subterraneous  caves,  and  cover 
them  over  with  a  great  quantity  of  dung.  These  they 
use  &s  winter-retreats,  and  granaries;  for  they  preserve 
a  moderate  temperature;  and  upon  an  invasion,  when 


32  EUROPEAN    HISTORY   STUDIES. 

the  open  country  is  plundered,  these  recesses  remain 
unviolated,  either  because  the  enemy  is  ignorant  of 
them,  or  because  he  will  not  trouble  himself  with  the 
search. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Is  the  fact  that  the  Germans  had  no  cities  impor- 
tant? 2.  How  could  this  influence  the  political  organi- 
zation? 8.  What  art  of  industrial  development  does  it 
indicate?  4.  Does  not  Tacitus  picture  the  Germans  in 
rather  squalid  surroundings? 

17.  The  clothing  common  to  all  is  a  sagum  fastened 
by  a  clasp,  or,  in  want  of  that,  a  thorn.     With  no  other 
covering,  they  pass  whole  days  on  the  hearth,  before 
the  fire.      The  more  wealthy  are  distinguished  by  a 
vest,  not  flowing  loose,  like  those  of  the  Sarmatians 
and  Parthiaus,  but  girt  close,  and  exhibiting  the  shape 
of  every  limb.     They  also  wear  the  skin  of  beasts, 
which  the  people  near  the  borders  are  less  curious  in 
selecting  or  preparing  than  the  more  remote  inhabit- 
ants, who  can  not  by  commerce  procure  other  clothing, 
These  make  choice  of   particular  skins,  which   they 
variegate  with  spots,  and  strips  of  the  furs  of  marine 
animals,  the  produce  of  the  exterior  ocean,  and  seas  to 
us  unknown.     The  dress  of  the  women  does  not  differ 
from  that  of  the  men;    except  that  they  more  fre' 
quently  wear  linen,  which  they  stain  with  purple;  and 
do  not  lengthen  their  upper  garment  into  sleeves,  but 
leave  exposed  the  whole  arm,  and  part  of  the  breast. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Was  there  any  commerce  whatever  between  the 
German  tribes?  2.  Was  there  very  much?  3.  Wher- 
ever the  principal  object  of  clothing  is  protection  and 
not  ornament,  as  among  the  Eskimos,  it  is  found  that 
men  and  women  dress  nearly  alike.  Would  this  lead 
you  to  infer  that  the  Germans  did  not  dress  finely? 
4.  Were  there  outward  distinctions  in  wealth  among 
them? 

18.  The  matrimonial  bond  is,  nevertheless,  strict  and 
severe  among  them;   nor  is  there  any  thing  in  their 
manners  more  commendable  than  this.     Almost  singly 
among  the  barbarians,  they  content  themselves  with 
one  wife;    a  very  few  of  them  excepted,    who,   not 
through  incontinence,  but  because  their  alliance  is  so- 


TEUTONIC  BARBARIANS.  35 

licited  on  account  of  their  rank,  practice  polygamy. 
The  wife  does  not  bring  a  dowry  to  her  husband,  but 
receives  one  from  him.  The  parents  and  relations  as- 
semble, and  pass  their  approbation  on  the  presents — 
presents  not  adapted  to  please  a  female  taste,  or  deco- 
rate the  bride;  b»t  oxen,  a  caparisoned  steed,  a  shield, 
spear,  and  sword.  By  virtue  of  these  the  wife  is 
espoused;  and  she  in  her  turn  makes  a  present  of  some 
arms  to  her  husband.  This  they  consider  as  the  firm- 
est bond  of  union;  these,  the  sacred  mysteries,  the  con- 
jugal deities.  That  the  woman  may  not  think  herself 
excused  from  exertions  of  fortitude,  or  exempt  from  the 
casualties  of  war,  she  is  admonished  by  the  very  cere- 
monial of  her  marriage,  that  she  comes  to  her  husband 
as  a  partner  in  toils  and  dangers;  to  suffer  and  to  dare 
equally  with  him,  in  peace  and  in  war:  this  is  indi- 
cated by  the  yoked  oxen,  the  harnessed  steed,  the  of- 
fered arms.  Thus  she  is  to  live;  thus  to  die.  She 
receives  what  she  is  to  return  inviolate  and  honored  to 
her  children;  what  her  daughters-in-law  are  to  receive, 
and  again  transmit  to  her  grandchildren. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Was  the  German,,  wife  merely  a  servant  and  a 
household  drudge,  or  was  she  also  a  companion  to  her 
husband?  2.  Can  such  a  position  of  women  be  main- 
tained with  widely  prevalent  polygamy?  3.  Why 
should  the  husband  rather  than  the  wife  find  it  neces- 
sary to  bring  a  dowry?  4.  Who  contributed  chiefly  to 
the  support  of  the  family,  the  husband  or  the  wife? 
(Ch.  15. )  5.  Would  this  enable  her  to  protest  effectively 
against  the  husband's  taking  a  second  wife,  even  if  he 
wanted  to  do  so  ?  6.  Do  you  infer  from  the  second  sen- 
tence that  rank  was  held  in  high  esteem  among  the 
Teutons  ?  7.  Has  not  Tacitus  the  domestic  life  of  the 
Romans  quite  as  much  in  mind  in  this  chapter  as  the 
domestic  life  of  the  Germans? 

20.  In  every  house  the  children  grow  up,  thinly  and 
meanly  clad,  to  that  bulk  of  body  and  limb  which  we 
behold  with  wonder.  Every  mother  suckles  her  own 
children,  and  does  not  deliver  them  into  the  hands  of 
servants  and  nurses.  No  indulgence  distinguishes  the 
young  master  from  the  slave.  They  lie  together  amidst 
the  same  cattle,  upon  the  same  ground,  till  age  separ- 
ates, and  valor  marks  out,  the  freeborn. 


34  EUROPEAN   HISTORY    STUDIES. 

21.  It  is  an  indispensable  duty  to  adopt  the  enmities 
of  a  father  or  relation,  as  well  as  their  friendships: 
these,  however,  are  not  irreconciliable  or  perpetual. 
Even  homicide  is  atoned  by  a  certain  fine  in  cattle  and 
sheep;  and  the  whole  family  accepts  the  satisfaction, 
to  the  advantage  of  the  public  weal,  since  quarrels  are 
most  dangerous  in  a  free  state.  No  people  are  more 
addicted  to  social  entertainments, 'or  more  liberal  in 
the  exercise  of  hospitality.  To  refuse  any  person  what- 
ever admittance  under  their  roof,  is  accounted  flagi- 
tious. Every  one  according  to  his  ability  feasts  his 
guests:  when  his  provisions  are  exhausted,  he  who  was 
late  the  host,  is  now  the  guide  and  companion  to  an- 
other hospitable  board.  They  enter  the  next  house 
uninvited,  and  are  received  with  equal  cordiality.  No 
one  makes  a  distinction  with  respect  to  the  rights  of 
hospitality,  between  a  stranger  and  an  acquaintance. 
The  departing  guest  is  presented  with  whatever  he  may 
ask  for;  and  with  the  same  freedom  a  boon  is  desired 
in  return.  They  are  pleased  with  presents;  but  think 
no  obligation  incurred  either  when  they  give  or  receive. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  Had  the  Germans  risen  to  the  idea  that  crime  is 
an  offense  against  society  as  well  as  against  the  injured 
person?  2.  At  the  present  day  can  a  murderer  secure 
his  release  by  making  a  present  to  the  family  of  his 
victim?  3.  Was  the  crime  of  more  frequent  ofccur- 
rence  then  than  now,  and  was  it  regarded  with  greater 
lenience?  (also  Ch.  22.)  4.  Is  profuse  hospitality  com- 
mon among  primitive  races?  Give  example.  5.  Can 
you  explain  why  this  should  be  so? 

23.  Their  drink  is  a  liquor  prepared  from  barley  or 
wheat  brought  by  fermentation  to  a  certain  resem- 
blance of  wine.  Those  who  border  on  the  Rhine  also 
purchase  wine.  Their  food  is  simple;  wild  fruits, 
fresh  venison,  or  coagulated  milk.  They  satisfy  hun- 
ger without  seeking  the  elegances  and  delicacies  of  tha 
table.  Their  thirst  for  liquor  is  not  quenched  with 
equal  moderation.  If  their  propensity  to  drunken- 
ness be  gratified  to  the  extent  of  their  wishes,  intem- 
perance proves  as  effectual  in  subduing  them  as  the< 
force  of  arms. 


TEUTONIC   BARBARIANS.  35 


QUESTIONS. 

1.  Is  this  an  attractive  picture  of  our  Teutonic  an* 
cestors?  2.  Can  Tacitus  show  the  unattractive  as  well 
as  the  attractive  sides  of  German  life? 

24.  *      *      *     What  is  extraordinary,  they  play  at 
dice,  when  sober,  as  a  serious  business:  and  that  with 
such  a  desperate  venture  of  gain  or  loss,  that,  when 
everything  else   is  gone,    they  set  their  liberties  and 
persons  on  the  last  throw.     The  loser  goes  into  volun- 
tary servitude;  and,  though  the  youngest  and  strong- 
est, patiently  suffers  himself  to  be  bound  and  sold. 
Such  is  their  obstinacy  in  a  bad  practice— they  them- 
selves call  it  honor.     The  slaves  thus  acquired  are  ex- 
changed away  in  commerce,  that  the  winner  may  get 
rid  of  the  scandal  of  his  victory. 

25.  The  rest  of  their  slaves  have  not,  like  ours,  par- 
ticular employments  in   the  family  allotted  to  them. 
Each  is  the  master  of  a  habitation  and  household  of  his 
own.     The  lord  requires  from  him  a  certain  quantity 
of  grain,  cattle,  or  cloth,  as  from  a  tenant;  and  so  far 
only  the  subjection  of  the  slave  extends.     His  domes- 
tic offices  are  performed  by  his  own  wife  and  children. 
It  is  usual  to  scourge  a  slave,  or  punish  him  with  chains 
or  hard  labor.     They  are  sometimes  killed  by  their  mas- 
ters; not  through  severity  of  chastisement,  but  in  the 
heat  of  passion,  like  an  enemy;   with  this  difference, 
that  it  is  done  with  impunity.     Freedmen  are  little 
superior  to  slaves;  seldom  filling  any  important  office 
in  the  family;  never  in  the  state,  except  in  those  tribes 
which  are  under  regal  government.     There,  they  rise 
above  the  free-born,  and  even  the  nobles:  in  the  rest, 
the  subordinate  condition  of  the  freedmen  is  a  proof  of 
freedom. 

QUESTIONS. 

1.  What  four  classes  existed  in  German  society?  2. 
Did  Tacitus  intend  to  designate  by  the  word  noble, 
merely  those  who  were  prominent  in  council  or  in  wars 
or  did  he  conceive  of  them  as  forming  a  class  separate 
and  distinct  from  the  free-born?  3.  Is  the  first  sen- 
tence of  chapter  25  consistent  with  the  third  and  fourth 
sentences  .of  chapter  20?  4.  What  peculiarity  of 
Tacitus's  style  does  this  illustrate?  5.  Had  a  slave  any 
legal  rights  whatsoever?  6.  Can  you  find  a  reference 


36  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES- 

which  leaves  one  to  suppose  that  the  human  sacrifices 
offered  to  the  gods  were  slaves?  7.  Were  the  slaves, 
like  the  land,  property  of  the  community,  or  of  individ- 
ual masters?  8.  Did  Tacitus  think  the  slaves  formed 
a  very  numerous  class?  (Ch.  5.)  9.  Do  you  suppose 
they  were  white  or  black?  Why?  10.  Do  you  know 
any  facts  of  Roman  History  which  will  explain  why 
Tacitus  detested  freedmen?  11.  Do  you  infer  that 
some  tribes  were  not  under  regal  government?  12.  If 
so,  how  do  you  understand  sentences  one  and  two,  of 
chapter  7? 

26.  Lending  money  upon  interest,  and  increasing  it 
"by  usury,  is  unknown  among  them;  aud  this  ignorance 
more  effectually  prevents  the  practice  than  a  prohibi- 
tion would  do.  The  lands  are  occupied  by  townships, 
in  allotments  proportional  to  the  number  of  cultiva- 
tors; and  are  afterwards  parcelled  out  among  the  indi- 
.viduals  of  the  district,  in  shares  according  to  the  rank 
and  condition  of  each  person.  The  wide  extent  of 
plain  facilitates  this  partition.  The  arable  lands  are 
annually  changed,  and  a  part  left  fallow;  nor  do  they 
attempt  to  make  the  most  of  the  fertility  and  plenty  of 
the  soil,  by  their  own  industry  in  planting  orchards, 
inclosing  meadows,  and  watering  gardens.  Corn  is 
the  only  product  required  from  the  earth:  hence  their 
year  is  not  divided  into  so  many  seasons  as  ours;  for, 
while  they  know  and  distinguish  by  name  Winter, 
Spring,  and  Summer,  they  are  unacquainted  equally 
with  the  appellation  and  bounty  of  Autumn. 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Do  primitive  tribes  always  occupy  the  land  in 
common?  Why?  2.  What  makes  them  abandon  this 
system  of  ownership?  3.  What  must  be  the  state  of 
agriculture  under  community  of  ownership?  4.  Had 
the  Germans  made  any  progress  whatever  in  the 
knowledge  of  agriculture? 

33.  Contiguous  to  the  Tencteri  were  formerly  the 
Bructeri;  but  report  now  says  that  the  Chamavi  and 
Angrivarii,  migrating  into  their  country,  have  expelled 
and  entirely  extirpated  them,  with  the  concurrence  of 
the  neighboring  nations,  induced  either  by  hatred  of 
their  arrogance,  love  of  plunder,  or  the  favor  of  the 
gods  towards  the  Romans.  For  they  even  gratified  us 
with  the  spectacle  of  a  battle,  in  which  above  60,000 
Germans  were  slain,  not  by  Roman  arms,  but,  what 
was  still  grander,  by  mutual  hostilities,  as  it  were  for 


TEUTONIC   BARBARIANS.  37 

our  pleasure  and  entertainment.  May  the  nations  re- 
tain and  perpetuate,  if  not  an  affection  for  us,  at  least 
an  animosity  against  each  other!  since,  while  the  fate 
of  the  empire  is  thus  urgent,  fortune  can  bestow  no 
higher  benefit  upon  us,  than  the  discord  of  our 
enemies. 

87V  *  *  *  It  was  in  the  640th  year  of  Borne 
that  the  arms  of  the  Cimbri  were  first  heard  of,  under 
the  consulate  of  Caecilius  Metellus  and  Papirius  Carbo; 
from  which  era  to  the  second  consulate  of  the  Emperor 
Trajan  is  a  period  of  nearly  210  years.  So  long  has 
Germany  withstood  the  anus  of  Rome.  During  this 
long  interval  many  mutual  wounds  have  been  inflicted. 
Not  the  Samnite,  the  Carthaginian,  Spain,  Gaul,  or  Par- 
thia,  have  given  more  frequent  alarms ;  for  the  liberty 
of  the  Germans  is  more  vigorous  than  the  monarchy  of 
the  Arsacidae.  What  has  the  East,  which  has  itself 
lost  Pacorus,  ard  suffered  an  overthrow  from  Ventid- 
ius,  to  boast  against  us,  but  the  slaughter  of  Crassus? 
But  the  Germans,  by  the  defeat  or  capture  of  Carbo, 
Cassius,  Scaurnae  Aurelius,  Servilius  Caepio,  and 
Cneius  Manlius,  deprived  the  Roman  people  of  five 
consular  armies,  and  afterward  took  from  Augustus 
himself  Varus  with  three  legions.  Nor  did  Caius 
Marius  in  Italy,  the  deified  Julius  in  Gaul,  or  Drusus, 
Nero,  or  Germanicus,  in  their  own  country,  defeat 
them  without  loss.  The  subsequent  mighty  threats  of 
Caligula  terminated  in  ridicule.  Then  succeeded  tran- 
quillity; till,  seizing  the  occasion  of  our  discords  and 
civil  wars,  they  forced  the  winter-quarters  of  the  le- 
gions, and  even  aimed  at  the  possession  of  Gaul ;  and, 
again  expelled  thence,  they  have  in  latter  times  been 
rather  triumphed  over  than  vanquished. 

QUESTIONS 

* 

1.  From  the  dates  given,  can  you  determine  when 
the  Germania  was  written?  2.  Did  Tacitus  regard  the 
Germans  as  merely  a  source  of  annoyance  and  expense 
to  the  Empire  or  as  a  menace  to  its  very  existence  ?  3. 
What  was  the  greatest  weakness  of  the  Germans  in 
their  struggle  with  Rome?  4.  Do  barbarians  usually 
show  this  weakness  when  confronted  with  civilized 
peoples?  Cite  some  familiar  examples.  5.  On  the 
other  hand,  what  advantage  in  warfare  had  the  Ger- 
mans as  compared  with  modern  barbarians? 


38  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

40.  *  *  *  In  an  island  *  of  the  ocean  stands 
a  sacred  and  un violated  grove,  in  which  is  a  consecrated 
chariot,  covered  with  a  vail,  which  the  priest  alone  is 
permitted  to  touch.  He  becomes  conscious  of  the  en- 
trance of  the  goddess  into  this  secret  recess;  and  with 
profound  veneration  attends  the  vehicle,  which  is  drawn 
by  yoked  cows.  At  this  season  all  is  ;joy ;  and  every  place 
which  the  goddess  deigns  to  visit  is  a  scene  of  festivity. 
No  wars  are  undertaken ;  arms  are  untouched;  and  every 
hostile  weapon  is  shut  up.  Peace  abroad  and  at  home 
are  then  only  known;  then  only  loved;  till  at  length 
the  same  priest  reconducts  the  goddess,  satiated  with 
mortal  intercourse,  to  her  temple.  The  chariot,  with 
its  curtain,  and,  if  we  may  believe  it,  the  goddess  her- 
self, then  undergo  ablution  in  a  secret  lake.  This  office 
is  performed  by  slaves,  whom  the  same  lake  instantly 
swallows  up.  Hence  proceeds  a  mysterious  horror;  and 
a  holy  ignorance  of  what  can  be,  which  is  held  only 
by  those  who  are  about  to  perish.  This  part  of  the 
Suevian  nation  extends  to  the  most  remote  recesses  of 
Germany. 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  can  you  find  to  admire  in  the  religious  ideas 
of  the  Teutons?  2.  Did  they  believe  in  one  or  in  many 
gods?  3.  Did  they  have  idols? 

GENERAL  EXERCISES 

1.  Select  some  of  the  passages  in  which  the  satirical 
element  of  the  Germania  is  most  clearly  and  strikingly 
shown. 

2.  Make  a  careful  comparison  of  the  government  of 
the  early  Germans  with  that  of  the  Homeric  Greeks. 

3.  Collect  facts  to  show  that  the  Germans  cherished 
personal  liberty  to  an  extreme  degree,  even  to  the  ex- 
tent of  imperiling  public  order. 

4.  What  virtues  did  the  Germans  admire  most,  and 
what  vices  seemed  to  them  the  most  detestable?    Do 
you  detect  a  change  in  the  moral  ideas  of  the  Teutonic 
race  since  that  time?    Are  the  moral  ideas  of  a  race 
always  changing  more  or  less? 

5.  Make  a  careful  statement  of  the  position  of  Ger- 
man women  in  society,  and,  if  you  are  able,  compare  it 
with  the  position  of  Roman  women. 

6.  Make  an  accurate  statement  of  the  condition  of 
German  agriculture  and  commerce. 


*  This  island  is  Alsen,  which  corresponds  exactly  to  the  de« 
scrtotion.    No  other  island  does. 


European  History  Studies 

F.  M.  FLING,  PH.D.,  EDITOR 
Vol.  II.  No.  3.  NOVEMBER,  1898 

CIVILIZATION  DURING  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


SELECTIONS  FROM  THE  KORAN 


SELECTIONS  MADE 


BY 


GUERNSEY  JONES,  Pn.D., 

UNIVERSITY  Off  NEBRASKA 


J.  H.  MILLER,  Publisher, 

LINCOLN,  NEBRASKA 


Nearly  Subscription,  40  cents  Single  Copy,  5  cents 

Ten  or  more  subscriptions  to  one  address,  30  cents 


PUBLISHED  MONTHLY,  EXCEPT  JULY  AND  AUGUST 

Zntered  as  second-class  matter  at  the  Post  Office,  Lincoln,  Nebraska 
U.  S.  A. 


EUROPEAN  HISTORY  STUDIES. 


CIVILIZATION    DURING    THE    MIDDLE 
AGES. 

Selections  From  the   Koran 

The  Koran :  commonly  called  the  Alkoran  of  Moham- 
med. Translated  into  English  from  the  original 
Arabic,  to  which  is  prefixed  a  preliminary  dis- 
course. By  George  Sale.  London  and  New  York. 
No  date. 

THE  collection  of  the  revelations  of  Moham- 
med known  as  the  Koran,  was  not  made 
until  after  Mohammed's  death.  The  rev- 
elations came  to  him  at  frequent  intervals,  as 
as  the  occasion  demanded,  and  were  dictated  to 
an  amanuensis,  who  wrote  them  down  on  parch- 
ment, palm-leaves,  stones,  bones,  or  whatever 
came  to  hand.  Some  parts  were  kept  only  in 
the  memory  of  certain  persons.  The  fragments 
preserved  in  this  disorder  were  not  only  soon 
in  utter  confusion,  but  were  in  danger  of  being 
altogether  lost.  To  avert  such  a  calamity,  the 
successor  of  Mohammed,  the  Calif  Abou-Bekr 
(632-634:)  decided  to  have  the  fragments  col- 
lected. The  task  was  committed  to  the  young 
Zaid  ibn-Thabit,  who  had  formerly  served  as 
secretary  to  Mohammed.  The  edition  was  in- 
tended merely  for  the  private  use  of  the  Calif 
and  was  not  authoritative.  But  soon  embarrass- 
ing differences  in  the  reading  of  the  Koran 
arose,  and  Othman,  the  third  Calif  (644-656), 
decided  upon  an  authoritative  collection.  This 
«>Jso  was  intrusted  to  Zaid,  and  all  other  copies, 
were  then  destroyed  to  prevent  disputes. 


SELECTIONS    FROM    THE    KORAN.  41 

We  cannot  say  whether  Zaid  was  successful 
in  admitting  only  the  genuine  sayings  of  the 
prophet,  but  we  do  know  that  he  arranged  the 
fragments  very  badly.  The  arrangement  of 
the  parts  into  chapters  seems  to  have  been  quite 
arbitrary,  and  the  only  principle  on  which  the 
chapters  were  arranged  seems  to  have  been  that 
of  length,  the  longest  coming  first,  though  even 
this  was  not  strictly  adhered  to.  The  result  is 
extremely  confusing  and  unsatisfactory.  Rev- 
elations widely  differing  in  time  are  brought 
side  by  side,  and  we  are  left  to  solve  their  num- 
berless contradictions  as  best  we  may.  If  the 
fragments  could  be  rearranged  in  chronologi- 
cal order,  the  later  passages  could  be  taken  as 
abrogating  those  which  went  before,  and  these 
very  contradictions  would  be  of  extreme  value 
to  us  as  showing  how  the  idea  of  Mohammed's 
mission  gradually  took  form  in  his  mind.  But 
as  yet  these  attempts  at  rearrangement  have 
had  but  indifferent  success.  A  great  deal  of 
the  value  of  the  Koran  is  thus  lost  through  its 
incoherence,  and  its  perusal  is  made  exceedingly 
wearisome. 

Inasmuch  as  the  Koran  is  a  divine  revelation, 
the  Mohammedans  assert,  logically  enough,  that 
it  is  perfect,  not  only  in  content,  but  also  in 
form.  It  is  a  masterpiece  of  literature,  its  lan- 
guage is  of  the  purest,  it  is  a  miracle  of  perfec- 
tion, and  one  has  but  to  read  a  fragment  of  it 
to  be  convinced  of  its  divine  origin.  European 
scholars  have  hitherto  been  inclined  to  accept 
this  as  the  universal  judgment  of  critics  best 
qualified  to  judge,  namely,  the  Mohammedans 
themselves.  But  a  competent  scholar  assures 
us  (Dozy  in  Langlois's  Histoire  du  Moyen  Age) 


4:2  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

that  as  a  wprk  of  literature  the  Koran  falls  far 
below  the  standard  of  contemporary  Arabian 
works.  Its  language  is  impure,  and  offends  even 
against  rules  of  grammar.  Its  style  is  pompous, 
inflated,  and  often  empty.  Its  imagery  is  com- 
monplace, its  endless  repetitions  are  exasper- 
ating. In  form,  it  presents  a  distinct  retrogres- 
sion from  the  Arabian  classics.  Dozy  gives  us 
to  understand  that  this  opinion  is  shared  by 
Arabian  philologians,  but  they  dare  not  express 
their  opinion  openly. 

It  is  evident  that  the  Koran  stands  in  need  of 
the  most  searching  external  criticism,  and  that 
until  this  work  has  been  done  we  must  draw 
only  the  most  general  conclusions  which  may 
be  justified  by  the  work  as  a  whole.  As  histor- 
ians, however,  we  must  not  let  its  unattractive 
form  blind  us  to  its  vast  historical  importance. 

I.    DECLARATION  OF  GOD'S  UNITY 

Say,  God  is  one  God;  the  eternal  God:  he  begetteth 
not,  neither  is  he  begotten:  and  there  is  not  any  one 
like  unto  him.  (Ch.  CXII.) 

Verily  the  unbelievers  are  addicted  to  pride  and  con- 
tention. How  many  generations  have  we  destroyed 
before  them;  and  they  cried  for  mercy,  but  it  was  not 
a  time  to  escape  They  wonder  that  a  warner  from 
among  themselves  hath  come  unto  them.  And  the  un- 
believers said,  This  man  is  a  sorcerer  and  a  liar-  doth 
he  affirm  the  gods  to  be  but  one  God?  Surely  this  is  a 
wonderful  thing.  And  the  chief  men  among  them 
departed,  saying  to  one  another,  Go,  and  persevere  in 
the  worship  of  your  gods-  verily  this  is  the  thing 
which  is  designed.  We  have  not  heard  anything  like 
this  in  the  last  religion  this  is  no  other  than  a  false 
contrivance.  (Ch.  XXXVIII.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Was  the  declaration  of  God's  unity  an  innovation 
in  Arabia?  2.  Can  the  Christian  doctrine  of  the  Trin- 


SELECTIONS    FKOM    THE    KORAN.  43 

Ity  be  reconciled  with  Mohammed's  statement  of  God's 
unity?  3.  Who  is  the  speaker  throughout  the  Koran, 
and  to  whom  are  its  words  addressed? 

2.    MISSION  OV   MOHAMMED 

Remember  *  *  when  Jesus  the  son  of  Mary  said. 
O  children  of  Israel,  verily  I  am  the  apostle  of  God  sent 
unto  you,  confirming  the  law  which  was  delivered  be- 
fore me,  and  bringing  good  tidings  of  an  apostle  who 
shall  come  after  me,  and  whose  name  shall  be  Ahmed 
[Mohammed].  (Ch.  LXI.) 

We  have  not  sent  thee  otherwise  than  unto  mankind 
in  general,  a  bearer  of  good  tidings,  and  a  denouncer 
of  threats:  but  the  greater  part  of  men  do  not  under, 
stand.  (Ch.  XXXIV. ) 

Mohammed  is  no  more  than  an  apostle;  the  other 
apostles  have  already  deceased  before  him:  if  he  die 
therefore,  or  be  slain,  will  ye  turn  back  on  your  heels? 
(Ch.  III.) 

Wherefore  warn  thy  people;  for  thou  [Mohammed] 
art  a  vvarner  only  thou  art  not  empowered  to  act 
with  authority  over  them.  (Ch.  LXXXVIII. ) 

O  true  believers,  when  ye  discourse  privily  together, 
discourse  not  of  wickedness,  arid,  enmity,  and  disobedi- 
ence towards  the  apostle,  but  discourse  of  justice  and 
piety:  and  fear  God,  before  whom  ye  shall  be  assem- 
bled. Verily  the  clandestine  discourse  of  the  infidels 
proceedeth  from  Satan,  that  he  may  grieve  the  true 
believers:  but  there  shall  be  none  to  hurt  them  in  the 
least,  unless  by  permission  of  God;  wherefore  in  God 
let  the  faithful  trust.  O  true  believers,  when  it  is  said 
unto  you,  Make  room  in  the  assembly;  make  room:  God 
will  grant  you  ample  room  in  paradise.  And  when  it 
is  said  unto  you,  Rise  up;  rise  up:  God  will  raise  those 
of  you  who  believe,  and  those  to  whom  knowledge  is 
given,  to  superior  degrees  of  honor:  and  God  is  fully 
apprised  of  that  which  ye  do.  O  true  believers,  when 
ye  go  to  speak  with  the  apostle,  give  alms  previously  to 
your  discoursing  with  him:  this  will  be  better  for  you 
and  more  pure.  But  if  he  find  not  what  to  give,  verily 
God  will  be  gracious  and  merciful  unto  you.  Do  ye 
fear  to  give  alms  previously  to  your  discoursing  with 
the  prophet,  lest  ye  should  impoverish  yourselves? 
Therefore  if  ye  do  it  not,  and  God  is  gracious  unto  you, 


44  EUROPEAN    HISTOEY    STUDIES. 

by  dispensing  with  the  said  precept  for  the  future,  be 
constant  at  prayer,  and  pay  the  legal  alms;  and  obey 
God  and  his  apostle  in  all  other  matters:  for  God  well 
knoweth  that  which  ye  do.  (Ch.  LVIII.) 

Verily  we  have  granted  thee  a  manifest  victory:  that 
God  forgive  the  thy  preceding  and  thy  subsequent  sin, 
and  may  complete  his  favor  on  thee,  and  direct  thee  in 
the  right  way;  and  that  God  may-  assist  thee  with  a 
glorious  assistance.  (Ch.  XLVTII.) 

We  have  sent  no  warnerinto  any  city  but  the  inhab- 
itants thereof  who  lived  in  affluence  said,  Verily  we  be- 
lieve not  that  with  which  ye  are  sent.  And  those  of 
Mecca  also  say,  We  abound  in  riches  and  children 
more  than  ye,  and  we  shall  not  be  punished  hereafter. 
(Ch.  XXXIV.) 

And  call  to  mind  when  the  unbelievers  plotted 
against  thee,  that  they  might  either  detain  thee  in 
bonds,  or  put  thee  to  death,  or  expel  thee  the  city; 
and  they  plotted  against  thee:  but  God  laid  a  plot 
against  them,  and  God  is  the  best  layer  of  plots. 
(Ch.  VIII.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  did  Mohammed  conceive  to  be  the  nature  of 
his  mission  ?  2.  Was  his  message  confined  to  the  Ara- 
bians? 3.  Do  you  find  that  his  ideas  changed  on  the 
subject  of  his  mission?  4.  What  was  Mohammed's 
conception  of  Christ's  mission  ?  5.  In  what  relation  did 
he  think  Christ  stood  to  him?  6.  Is  there  any  passage 
in  the  New  Testament  predicting  the  coming  of  Mo- 
hammed or  of  any  other  prophet?  7.  Did  Mohammed 
lay  claim  to  a  blameless  character?  8.  Were  his  rev- 
elations received  without  opposition?  9.  What  class 
was  universally  opposed  to  him?  10.  What  ceremonies 
did  he  prescribe?  11.  Did  he  teach  the  existence  of 
Satan? 

3.      ATTITUDE  TOWARDS  CHRISTIANITY  AND  JUDAISM 

They  are  sure  infidels,  who  say,  Verily  God  is  Christ 
the  son  of  Mary;  since  Christ  said,  O  children  of  Israel, 
serve  God,  my  Lord  and  your  Lord;  whoever  shall  give 
a  companion  unto  God,  God  shall  exclude  him  from 
paradise,  and  his  habitation  shall  be  hell  fire;  and  the 
ungodly  shall  have  none  to  help  them.  They  are  cer- 
tainly infidels,  who  say,  God  is  the  third  of  three:  for 
there  is  no  God  besides  one  God;  and  if  they  refrain  not 
from  what  they  say,  a  painful  torment  shall  surely  be 


SELECTIONS    FROM    THE    KORAN.  45 

inflicted  on  such  of  them  as  are  unbelievers.  Will 
they  not  therefore  be  turned  unto  God,  and  ask  pardon 
of  him?  since  God  is  gracious  and  merciful.  Christ  the 
son  of  Mary  is  no  more  than  an  apostle;  other  apostles 
have  preceded  him;  and  his  mother  was  a  woman  of  ver- 
acity: they  both  ate  food.  Behold,  how  we  declare  unto 
them  the  signs  of  God's  unity;  and  then  behold,  how 
they  turn  aside  from  the  truth.  Say  unto  them,  Will  ye 
worship,  besides  God,  that  which  can  cause  you  neither 
harm  nor  profit?  God  is  he  who  heareth  and  seeth. 
(Ch.  V.) 

And  when  God  shall  say  unto  Jesus,  at  the  last  day, 
O  Jesus,  son  of  Mary,  hast  thou  said  unto  men,  Take 
me  and  my  mother  for  two  gods,  beside  God?  He 
shall  answer,  Praise  be  unto  thee!  it  is  not  for  me  to 
say  that  which  I  ought  not;  if  I  had  said  so,  thou 
wouldst  surely  have  known  it:  thou  knowest  what  is 
in  me,  but  E  know  now  what  is  in  thee;  for  thou  art 
the  knower  of  secrets.  I  have  not  spoken  to  them  any 
other  than  what  thou  didst  command  me;  namely, 
Worship  God,  my  Lord  and  your  Lord:  and  I  was  a 
witness  of  their  actions  while  I  stayed  among  them; 
but  since  thou  hast  taken  me  to  thyself,  thou  has  been 
the  watcher  over  them;  for  thou  art  witness  of  all 
things.  If  thou  punish  them,  they  are  surely  thy  ser- 
vants; and  if  thou  forgive  them,  thou  art  might  and 
wise.  (Ch.  V.) 

Say,  we  believe  in  God,  and  that  which  hath  been 
sent  down  unto  us,  and  that  which  was  sent  down  unto 
Abraham,  and  Ismael,  and  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  and  the 
tribes,  and  that  which  was  delivered  to  Moses,  and 
Jesus,  and  the  prophets  from  their  Lord;  we  make  no 
distinction  between  any  of  them;  and  to  him  are  we 
resigned.  Whoever  followeth  any  other  religion  than 
Islam,  it  shall  not  be  accepted  of  him:  and  in  the  next 
life  he  shall  be  of  those  who  perish.  How  shall  God 
direct  men  who  have  become  infidels  after  they  had 
believed,  and  borne  witness  that  the  apostle  was  true, 
and  manifest  declarations  of  the  divine  will  had  come 
unto  them?  For  God  directeth  not  the  ungodly  peo- 
ple. Their  reward  shall  be,  that  on  them  shall  fall  the 
curse  of  God,  and  of  angels,  and  of  all  mankind:  they 
shall  remain  under  the  same  forever;  their  torment 


4:6  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

shall  not  be  mitigated,  neither  shall  they  be  regarded ; 
except  those  \vho  repent  after  this  and  amend;  for  God 
is  gracious  and  merciful.  (Ch.  Ill  ) 

Therefore  for  that  they  [the  Jews]  have  made  void 
their  covenant,  and  have  not  believed  in  the  signs  of 
God,  and  have  slain  the  prophets  unjustly,  and  have 
said,  Our  hearts  are  nncircumcised  ibut  God  hath 
sealed  them  up,  because  of  their  unbelief;  therefore 
they  shall  not  believe,  except  a  few  of  them):  and  for 
that  they  have  not  believed  on  Jesus,  and  have  spoken 
against  Mary  a  grievous  calumny;  and  have  said,  Ver- 
ily we  have  slain  Christ  Jesus  the  son  of  Mary,  the 
apostle  of  God:  yet  they  slew  him  not,  neither  cruci- 
fied him,  but  he  was  represented  by  one  in  his  likeness. 
(Ch.  IV.) 

Thou  shalt  surely  find  the  most  violent  of  all  men  in 
enmity  against  the  true  believers,  to  be  the  Jews  and 
the  idolaters:  and  thou  shalt  surely  find  those  among 
them  to  be  the  most  inclinable  to  entertain  friendship  for 
the  true  believers,  who  say,  We  are  Christians.  This 
cometh  to  pass,  because  there  are  priests  and  monks 
among  them;  and  because  they  are  not  elated  with 
pride.  (Ch.  V.) 

The  Jews  say,  Our  hearts  are  uncircumcised:  but 
God  hath  cursed  them  with  their  infidelity,  therefore 
few  shall  believe.  And  when  a  book  came  unto  them  from 
God,  confirming  the  scriptures  which  were  with  them, 
although  they  had  before  prayed  for  assistance  against 
those  who  believed  not,  yet  when  that  came  unto  them 
which  they  knew  to  be  from  God,  they  would  not  be- 
lieve therein:  therefore  the  curse  of  God  shall  be  on 
the  infidels.  For  a  vile  price  have  they  sold  their 
souls,  that  they  should  not  believe  in  that  which  God 
hath  sent  down;  out  of  envy,  because  God  sendeth 
down  his  favors  to  such  of  his  servants  as  he  please th- 
therefore  they  brought  on  themselves  indignation  on 
indignation;  and  the  unbelievers  shall  suffer  an  igno- 
minious punishment.  When  one  sayeth  unto  them, 
Believe  in  that  which  God  hath  sent  down;  they  answer, 
We  believe  in  that  which  hath  been  sent  down  to  us: 
and  they  reject  that  which  hath  been  revealed  since, 
although  it  be  the  truth,  confirming  that  which  is  with 
them.  Say,  Why  therefore  have  ye  slain  the  prophets 


SELECTIONS    FKOM    THE    KOKAN.  47 

of  God  in  times  past,  if  ye  be  true  believers?  Moses 
formerly  came  unto  you  with  evident  signs,  but  ye 
afterwards  took  the  calf  for  your  god  and  did  wickedly. 
And  when  we  accepted  your  covenant,  and  lifted  the 
mountain  of  Sinai  over  you,  saying,  Receive  the  law 
which  we  have  given  you,  with  a  resolution  to  per- 
form it,  and  hear;  they  said,  We  have  heard,  and  have 
rebelled:  and  they  were  made  to  drink  down  the  calf 
into  their  hearts  for  their  unbelief.  Say,  a  grievous 
thing  hath  your  faith  commanded  you,  if  ye  be  true  be- 
lievers. Say.  if  the  future  mansion  with  God  be  pre- 
pared peculiarly  for  you,  exclusive  of  the  rest  of  man- 
kind, wish  for  death,  if  ye  say  truth:  but  they  will 
never  wish  for  4t,  because  of  that  which  their  hands 
have  sent  before  them;  God  knoweth  the  wicked  doers; 
and  thou  shalt  surely  find  them  of  all  men  the  most 
covetous  of  life,  even  more  than  the  idolaters:  one  of 
them  would  desire  his  life  to  be  prolonged  a  thous- 
and years,  but  none  shall  reprieve  himself  from 
punishment,  that  his  life  may  be  prolonged:  God  seeth 
that  which  they  do.  (Ch.  II. ) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Was  it  possible  to  obtain  salvation  without  the  ac- 
ceptance the  Koran?  2.  Did  Mohammed  believe  that 
Christ  was  crucified  and  rose  again?  3.  How  can  his 
different  treatment  of  Christ  and  of  the  Christians  be 
explained?  4.  Would  he  have  considered  Tertullian  to 
be  an  idolater?  (First  pamphlet).  5.  What  was  the 
great  charge  which  he  brought  against  the  Christians 
and  the  Jews?  6.  Why  did  he  dislike  the  Jews  more 
than  the  Christians? 

4.    MIRACLES 

And  they  say,  We  will  by  no  means  believe  on  thee, 
an  til  thou  cause  a  spring  of  water  to  gush  forth  for  us 
out  of  the  earth;  or  thou  have  a  garden  of  palm-trees 
and  vines,  and  thou  cause  rivers  to  spring  forth  from 
the  midst  thereof  in  abundance;  or  thou  cause  the 
hea  an  to  fall  down  upon  us,  as  thou  hast  given  out, 
in  pieces;  or  thou  bring  down  God  and  the  angels  to 
vouch  for  thee;  or  thou  have  a  house  of  gold;  or  thou 
ascend  by  a  ladder  to  heaven:  neither  will  we  believe 
thy  ascending  thither  alone,  until  thou  cause  a  book  to 
descend  unto  us,  bearing  witness  of  thee,  which  we  may 


48  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

read.  Answer,  My  Lord  be  prah.ed!  Am  I  other  than 
a  man,  sent  as  an  apostle?  And  nothing  hindereth 
men  from  believing,  when  a  direction  is  come  unto 
them,  except  that  they  say,  Hath  God  sent  a  man  for 
his  apostle  ?  (Ch.  XVII. ) 

They  have  sworn  by  God,  by  the  most  solemn  oath, 
that  if  a  sign  came  unto  them,  they  would  certainly 
believe  therein:  Say,  Verily  signs  are  in  the  power  of 
God  alone;  and  he  permitteth  you  not  to  understand 
that  when  they  come,  they  will  not  believe.  (Ch.  VI.) 

These  are  the  signs  of  the  book  of  the  Koran,  and 
that  which  hath  been  sent  down  unto  thee  from  thy 
Lord  is  the  truth;  but  the  greater  part  of  men  will  not 
believe.  It  is  God  who  hath  raised  the  heavens  without 
visible  pillars;  and  then  ascended  his  throne,  and  com- 
pelled the  sun  and  the  moon  to  perform  their  services: 
every  one  of  the  heavenly  bodies  runneth  an  appointed 
course.  He  ordereth  all  things.  He  showeth  his  signs 
distinctly,  that  ye  may  be  assured  ye  must  meet  your 
Lord  at  the  last  day.  It  is  he  who  hath  stretched  forth 
the  earth,  and  placed  therein  steadfast  mountains,  and 
rivers;  and  hath  ordained  therein  of  every  fruit  two 
different  kinds.  He  causeth  the  night  to  cover  the 
day.  Herein  are  certain  signs  unto  people  who  con- 
sider. And  in  the  earth  are  tracts  of  land  of  different 
natures,  though  bordering  on  each  other;  and  also 
vineyards,  and  seeds,  and  palm-trees  springing  several 
from  the  same  root,  and  singly  from  distinct  roots. 
They  are  watered  with  the  same  water,  yet  we  render 
some  of  them  more  excellent  than  others  to  eat. 
Herein  are  surely  signs  unto  people  who  understand. 
If  thou  dost  wonder  at  the  infidels  denying  the  resur- 
rection, surely  wonderful  is  their  saying.  After  we 
shall  have  been  reduced  to  dust,  shall  we  be  restored 
in  a  new  creature?  These  are  they  who  believe  not  in 
their  Lord;  these  shall  have  collars  on  their  necks, 
and  these  shall  be  the  inhabitants  of  hell  fire:  therein 
shall  they  abide  forever.  They  will  ask  of  thee  to 
hasten  evil  rather  than  good:  although  they  have 
already  been  example  of  divine  vengeance  before 
them.  The  Lord  is  surely  endued  with  indulgence 
towards  men,  notwithstanding  their  iniquity;  but  the 
Lord  is  also  severe  in  punishing.  The  infidels  say, 


SELECTIONS    FROM    THE    KORAN.  49 

Unless  a  sign  be  sent  down  unto  him  from  his  Lord, 
he  will  not  believe.  Thou  art  commissioned  to  be  a 
preacher  only,  and  not  a  worker  of  miracles:  and  unto 
every  people  hath  a  director  been  appointed.  (Ch. 
XIII.) 

On  a  certain  day  [the  day  of  Judgment]  shall  God  as- 
semble the  apostles  and  *  *  shall  say,  O  Jesus  son  of 
Mary,  remember  my  favor  towards  thee,  and  towards  thy 
mother;  when  I  strengthened  thee  with  the  holy  spirit, 
that  thou  shouldst  speak  unto  men  in  the  cradle,  and 
when  thou  wast  grownup;  and  when  I  taught  thee  the 
scripture,  and  wisdom,  and  the  law  and  the  gospel;  and 
when  thou  didst  create  of  clay  as  it  were  the  figure  of  a 
bird,  by  my  permission,  and  didst  breathe  thereon,  and 
it  became  a  bird  by  my  permission;  and  thou  didst  heal 
one  blind  from  his  birth  and  the  leper,  by  my  permission; 
and  when  thou  didst  bring  forth  the  dead  from  their 
graves,  by  my  permission;  and  when  I  withheld  the 
children  of  Israel  from  killing  thee,  when  thou  hadst 
come  unto  them  with  evident  miracles,  and  such  of 
them  as  believed  not,  said,  This  is  nothing  but  mani- 
fest sorcery.  (Ch.  V.) 

QUESTIONS 

I.  Did  Mohammed  claim  the  power  of  miracles?  2. 
To  what  did  he  appeal  instead?  3.  Can  you  name  any 
other  great  religion  whose  origin  was  not  accompanied 
with  miracles?  4.  Did  Mohammed  deny  the  miracles 
of  Christ?  5.  Did  he  admit  that  Christ  performed 
them  of  his  own  power?  6.  Did  Mohammed  teach  the 
resurrection  of  the  body? 

5.   THE  KORAN 

Say,  Whoever  is  an  enemy  to  Gabriel  (for  he  hath 
caused  the  Koran  to  descend  on  thy  heart,  by  the  per 
mission  of  God,  confirming  that  which  was  before  re- 
vealed, a  direction,  and  good  tidings  to  the  faithful); 
whosoever  is  an  enemy  to  God,  or  his  angels,  or  his 
apostles,  or  to  Gabriel,  or  Michael,  verily  God  is  an 
enemy  to  the  unbelievers.  And  now  we  have  sent 
down  unto  thee  evident  signs,  and  none  will  disbelieve 
them  but  the  evil-doers.  (Ch.  II.) 

The  unbelievers  say,  Unless  the  Koran  be  sent  down 
unto  him  entire  at  once,  we  will  not  believe.  But  in 
this  manner  have  we  revealed  it,  that  we  might  con- 


50  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

firm  thy  heart  thereby,  and  we  have  dictated  it  grad- 
ually, by  distinct  parcels.  (Ch.  XXV.) 

When  our  evident  signs  are  recited  unto  them,  they 
who  hope  not  to  meet  us  at  the  resurrection,  say,  Bring 
a  different  Koran  from  this;  or  make  some  change 
therein.  Answer  it  is  not  fit  for  me,  that  I  should 
change  it  at  my  pleasure:  I  follow  that  only  which  is  re- 
vealed unto  me.  Verily  I  fear,  if  I  should  be  disobe- 
dient unto  my  Lord,  the  punishment  of  the  great  day, 
Say,  If  God  had  so  pleased,  I  had  not  read  it  unto  you, 
neither  had  I  taught  you  the  same.  I  have  already 
dwelt  among  you  to  the  age  of  forty  years,  before  I  re- 
ceived it.  Do  ye  not  therefore  understand?  And  who 
is  more  unjust  than  he  who  deviseth  a  lie  against  God, 
or  accuseth  his  signs  of  falsehood?  Surely  the  wicked 
shall  not  prosper.  (Ch.  X.) 

This  Koran  could  not  have  been  composed  by  any  ex 
cept  God;  but  it  is  a  confirmation  of  that  which  was 
revealed  before  it,  and  an  explanation  of  the  scripture; 
there  is  no  doubt  thereof;  sent  down  from  the  Lord  of 
all  creatures.  Will  they  say,  Mohammed  hath  forged 
it?  Answer,  Bring  therefore  a  chapter  like  unto  it; 
and  call  whom  ye  may  to  your  assistance,  besides  God, 
if  ye  speak  truth.  But  they  have  charged  that  with 
falsehood,  the  knowledge  whereof  they  do  not  compre- 
hend, neither  had  the  interpretation  thereof  come  unto 
them.  In  the  same  manner  did  those  who  were  before 
them,  accuse  their  prophets  of  imposture;  but  behold 
what  was  the  end  of  the  unjust.  iCh.  X.) 

The  Koran  is  not  a  new  invention;  but  a  confirma- 
tion of  those  scriptures  which  have  been  revealed  before 
it,  and  a  distinct  explication  of  everything  necessary, 
either  in  respect  to  faith  or  practice,  and  a  direction 
and  mercy  unto  people  who  believe.  (Ch.  XIII.) 

Thus  have  we  sent  down  the  book  of  the  Koran  unto 
thee:  and  they  unto  whom  we  have  given  the  former 
scriptures,  believe  therein:  and  of  these  Arabians  also 
there  is  who  believeth  therein:  and  none  reject  our 
signs  except  the  obstinate  infidels.  Thou  couldst  not 
read  any  book  before  this;  neither  couldst  thou  write 
it  with  thy  right  hand:  then  had  the  gainsayers  justly 
doubted  of  the  divine  original  thereof.  (Ch.  XXIX.) 

Say,  O  men,  Verily  I  am  the  messenger  of  God  unto 


SELECTIONS  FROM  THE  KORAN.  51 

yon  all:  unto  him  belongeth  the  kingdom  of  heaven 
and  earth;  there  is  no  God  but  he;  he  giveth  life,  and 
he  causeth  to  die.  Believe  therefore  in  God  and  his 
apostle,  the  illiterate  prophet,  who  believeth  in  God 
and  his  word;  and  follow  him,  that  ye  may  be  rightly 
directed.  (Ch.  VII. ) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  In  what  manner  did  God  reveal  the  Koran  to  Mo- 
hammed ?  2.  At  what  age  did  Mohammed  i*eceive  his 
first  revelation  ?  3.  What  is  his  proof  that  these  are 
divine  revelations?  4.  What  bearing  does  his  illit- 
eracy have  on  his  argument?  5.  Where  is  the  fallacy 
in  the  argument?  6.  Is  disbelief  in  the  Koran,  a  sin? 
7.  What  was  supposed  to  be  its  relation  to  the  other 
sacred  writings? 

6.      SOME  RELIGIOUS    AND  MORAL  CONCEPTIONS 

On  that  day  the  heaven  shall  be  shaken,  and  s'hail 
reel;  and  the  mountains  shall  walk  and  pass  away. 
And  on  that  day  woe  be  unto  those  who  accused  God's 
apostles  of  imposture;  who  amused  themselves  in  wad- 
ing in  vain  disputes!  On  that  day  shall  they  be  driven 
and  thrust  into  the  fire  of  hell;  and  it  shall  be  said  unto 
them,  This  is  the  fire  which  ye  denied  as  a  fiction.  Is 
this  a  magic  illusion?  Or  do  ye  not  see?  Enter  the 
same  to  be  scorched:  whether  ye  bear  your  torments 
patiently,  or  impatiently,  it  will  be  equal  unto  you*  ye 
shall  surely  receive  the  reward  of  that  which  ye  have 
wrought.  But  the  pious  shall  dwell  amidst  gardens 
and  pleasures;  delighting  themselves  in  what  the  Lord 
shall  have  given  them:  and  the  Lord  shall  deliver  them 
from  the  pains  of  hell.  (Ch.  LII.) 

Hath  the  news  of  the  overwhelming  day  of  judgment 
reached  thee?  The  countenances  of  some,  on  that  day, 
shall  be  cast  down;  laboring  and  toiling:  they  shall  be 
cast  into  scorching  fire  to  be  broiled:  they  shall  be 
given  to  drink  of  a  boiling  fountain:  they  shall  have 
no  food,  but  of  dry  thorns  and  thistles;  which  shall  not 
fatten,  neither  shall  they  satisfy  hunger.  But  the 
countenances  of  others,  on  that  day,  shall  be  joyful; 
well  pleased  with  their  past  endeavor  they  shall  be 
placed  in  a  lofty  garden,  wherein  thou  shalt  hear  no 
vain  discourse:  therein  shall  be  a  running  fountain, 
therein  shall  be  raised  beds,  and  goblets  placed  before 


52  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

them,  and  cushions  laid  in  order,  and  carpets  ready 
spread.     (Ch.  LXXXVIII.) 

But  as  for  those  who  believe,  and  do  good  works,  and 
humble  themselves  before  their  Lord,  they  shall  be  the 
inhabitants  of  paradise;  they  shall  remain  therein  for- 
ever. (Ch.  XL) 

Say,  O  men,  verily  I  am  only  a  public  preacher  unto 
you.     And  they  who  believe  and  do  good  works,  shall 
obtain  forgiveness  and  an  honorable  provision      (C*". 
XXII.) 

Regularly  perform  thy  prayer  at  the  declension  of 
the  sun,  at  the  first  darkness  of  the  night,  and  the 
prayer  of  daybreak;  for  the  prayer  of  daybreak  is 
borne  witness  unto  by  the  angels.  And  watch  some 
part  of  the  night  in  the  same  exercise,  as  a  work  of 
supererogation  for  thee;  perad venture  thy  Lord  will 
raise  thee  to  an  honorable  station.  (Ch.  XVII. ) 

And  whomsoever  God  shall  please  to  direct,  he  will 
open  his  breast  to  receive  the  faith  of  Islam:  but 
whomsoever  he  shall  please  to  lead  into  error,  he  will 
»  render  his  breast  straight  and  narrow,  as  though  he 
were  climbing  up  to  heaven  [i.e.,  as  though  he  were 
attempting  something  impossible.  Knowledge  of  the 
truth  is  to  him  equally  impossible.]  (  Ch.  VI.) 

And  whoso  judgeth  not  according  to  what  God  hath 
revealed,  they  are  infidels.  We  have  therein  com- 
manded them,  that  they  should  give  life  for  life,  and 
eye  for  eye,  and  nose  for  nose,  and  ear  for  ear,  and 
tooth  for  tooth ;  and  that  wounds  should  also  be  pun- 
ished by  retaliation:  but  whoso  should  remit  it  as  alms, 
it  should  be  accepted  as  an  atonement  for  him.  (Ch.  V. ) 

Whatever  things  are  given  you,  they  are  the  provi- 
sion of  this  present  life:  but  the  reward  which  is  with 
God  is  better  and  more  durable,  for  those  who  believe 
and  put  their  trust  in  their  Lord ;  and  who  avoid  hein- 
ous and  filthy  crimes,  and  when  they  are  angry, 
'orgive;  and  who  hearken  unto  their  Lord,  and  are  con- 
stant at  prayer,  and  whose  affairs  are  directed  by  con- 
sultation among  themselves,  and  who  give  alms  out  of 
what  we  have  bestowed  on  them;  and  who,  when  an 
injury  is  done  them,  avenge  themselves  ( and  the  retal- 
iation of  evil  ought  to  be  an  evil  proportionate  thereto): 
but  he  who  forgiveth,  and  is  reconcile  unto  his  enemy, 


SELECTIONS  FROM  THE  KORAN.  53 

shall  receive  his  reward  from  God;  for  he  loveth  not 
the  unjust  doers.  And  whoso  shall  avenge  himself, 
after  he  hath  been  injured;  as  to  these  it  is  not  lawful 
to  punish  them  for  it:  but  it  is  only  lawful  to  punish 
those  who  wrong  men,  and  act  insolently  in  the  earth, 
against  justice;  these  shall  suffer  a  grievous  punish- 
ment. And  whoso  beareth  injuries  patiently,  and 
f orgiveth ;  verily  this  is  a  necessary  work.  (  Ch.  XLII. ) 

Whoever  shall  take  a  vengeance  equal  to  the  injury 
which  hath  been  done  him,  and  shall  afterwards  be 
unjustly  treated:  verily  God  will  assist  him:  for  God  is 
merciful  and  ready  to  forgive.  (  Ch.  XXI  [.) 

When  ye  encounter  the  unbelievers,  strike  off  their 
heads,  until  ye  have  made  a  great  slaughter  among 
them;  and  bind  them  in  bonds:  and  either  give  them  a 
free  dismission  afterwards,  or  exact  a  ransom;  until 
the  war  shall  have  laid  down  its  arms.  This  shall  ye 
do:  Verily  if  God  pleased,  he  could  take  vengeance  on 
them,  without  your  assistance;  but  he  comrnandeth 
you  to  fight  his  battles,  that  he  may  prove  the  one  of 
you  by  the  other.  And  as  to  those  who  fight  in  de- 
fense of  God's  true  religion,  God  will  not  suffer  their 
works  to  perish:  he  will  guide  them,  and  will  dispose 
their  heart  aright;  and  he  will  lead  them  into  para- 
dise, of  which  he  hath  told  them.  O  true  believers,  if 
ye  assist  God,  by  fighting  for  his  religion,  he  will  assist 
you  against  your  enemies;  and  will  set  your  feet  fast: 
but  as  for  the  infidels,  let  them  perish  and  their  works 
shall  God  render  vain.  This  shall  befall  them,  be- 
cause they  have  rejected  with  abhorrence  that  which 
God  hath  revealed:  wherefore  their  works  shall  become 
of  no  avail.  (Ch.  XLVII.) 

QUESTIONS 

I.  Did  Mohammed  teach  the  immortality  of  the 
soul?  2.  What  virtue  does  he  dwell  most  upon?  3. 
Is  there  any  justice  in  punishing  for  disbelief  those 
whom  God  has  denied  the  power  of  believing?  4.  Was 
there  a  strain  of  fatalism  in  his  belief? 

GENERAL    EXERCISES 

t.  Make  an  accurate  statement  of  Mohammed's  at- 
titude towards  Christ  and  the  Christians.  Of  his  at- 
titude towards  the  J  ews 


54  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

2.  Cite  passages  which  indicate  his  indebtedness  to 
these  earlier  religions.     Does  he  deny  his  indebtedness 
to  them?    Does  he  appear  to  have  taken  more  from  the 
Christians  or  from  the  Jews. 

3.  Compare,  so  far  as  you  are  able,  his  moral  teach- 
ings with  those  of  Christianity. 


. 

European  History  Studies 


R   M.  FLING,  PH.D.,  EDITOR. 


Vol.  II.  No.  4.  DECEMBER,  1898 


CIVILIZATION  DURING  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


CHIVALRY  AND  THE  MODE  OF  WARFARE 


SELECTIONS  MADE 


GUERNSEY  JONES,  PH.D., 

UNIVERSITY  OF  NEBRASKA 


J.  H.  MILLER,  Publisher, 

LINCOLN,    NEBRASKA 


Yearly  Subscription,  40  cents  Single  Copy,  5  cents 

Ten  or  more  subscriptions  to  one  address,  30  cents 


PUBLISHED  MONTHLY,  EXCEPT  JULY  AND  AUGUST 

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EUROPEAN  HISTORY  STUDIES. 


CIVILIZATION    DURING    THE    MIDDLE 
AGES. 

Chivalry  and  the  Mode  .of  Warfare 

Froissart,  Sir  John:  Chronicles  of  England,  France, 
Spain,  and  the  adjoining  countries,  from  the  lat- 
ter part  of  the  reign  of  Edward  II.  to  the  corona- 
tion of  Henry  IV.  Translated  from  the  French  by 
Thomas  Johnes,  Esq.  New  York,  1884. 

I  HA  YE  chosen  the  inimitable  story-teller 
Froissart  to  illustrate  the  medieval  mode  of 
warfare,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  he 
come's  at  the  end  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  the 
events  he  describes  mark  the  decline  of  this 
method  of  fighting.  The  medieval  knight  never 
recovered  his  prestige  after  the  battles  of  Crecy 
and  Poitiers.  Nevertheless,  the  old  military 
structure,  though  undermined,  was  still  stand- 
ing, and  is  clearly  described  in  Froissart's  pages. 
No  one  was  ever  more  steeped  in  the  spirit  of 
Chivalry  than  he,  and  no  better  type  of  the 
feudal  host  could  be  desired  than  the  French  at 


Froissart  was  born  about  the  year  1337,  at 
Valenciennes,  and  died  at  Chimay,  about  the 
year  1410.  He  was  educated  for  the  Church, 
but  from  his  youth  his  mind  was  filled  more 
with  the  lighter  things  of  life,  with  dances  and 
tourneys,  with  amours  and  brave  deeds  of  arms. 
His  naive  delight  in  these  things  led  him  to 
spend  a  large  part  of  his  life  traveling  through 
the  principal  countries  of  Europe,  with  an  in- 
satiable and  vagabond  curiosity  for  everything 
pertaining  to  Chivalry.  He  was  an  entertain- 
ing person  and  knew  how  to  ingratiate  himself 


CHIVALRY  AND  THE  MODE  OF  WARFARE.       57 

with  princes  and  knights,  and  to  draw  their  ex- 
periences  from  them.  On  hearing  a  good  tale 
he  did  not  neglect  immediately  "to  write  all 
down,  whether  it  was  late  or  early,  that  poster- 
ity might  have  the  advantage  of  it,  for  there  is 
nothing  like  \vriting  for  the  preservation  of 
events."  (III.,  Ch.  VIII.)  In  this  manner  he 
collected  the  materials  for  his  Chronicles.  He 
has  himself  described  briefly  how  it  was  done. 

"Now.  you  that  read,  or  shall  read  this  history,  con- 
sider in  your  own  minds,  how  I  could  have  known  and 
collected  such  facts  as  I  treat  of,  and  of  so  many  differ- 
ent parties.  In  truth,  I  must  inform  you  that  I  began 
at  the  early  age  of  twenty  years,  and  came  into  the 
world  at  the  time  these  events  were  passing,  in  the 
knowledge  of  which  I  have  always  taken  greater  pleas- 
ure than  in  anything  else.  God  has  been  so  gracious 
to  me,  that  I  was  well  with  all  parties,  and  of  the 
household  of  kings;  more  especially  of  King  Edward, 
and  of  the  noble  queen  his  lady,  Madam  Philippa  of 
Hainault,  queen  of  England,  lady  of  Ireland  and 
Aquitaine,  to  whom  in  my  youth  I  was  secretary  and 
amused  her  with  handsome  ditties  and  madrigals  of 
love;  and  through  affection  to  the  service  of  that  noble 
and  puissant  lady  to  whom  I  belonged,  all  the  other 
great  lords,  dukes,  earls,  barons,  and  knights,  of  what- 
ever nation  they  might  be,  loved  me,  saw  me  with 
pleasure,  and  were  of  the  greatest  utility  to  me.  Thus 
under  the  protection  of  this  good  lady,  and  at  her  costs, 
as  well  as  at  the  expenses  of  great  lords,  I  have  searched 
in  my  time  the  greater  part  of  Christendom  (in  truth 
who  seeks  will  find;)  and  wherever  I  came,  I  make  in- 
quiry after  those  ancient  knights  and  squires  who  had 
been  present  at  these  deeds  of  arms,  and  who  were  well 
enabled  to  speak  of  them.  I  sought  also  for  heralds  of 
good  repute,  to  verify  and  confirm  what  I  might  have 
heard  elsewhere  of  these  matters.  In  this  manner  have 
I  collected  the  materials  for  this  noble  history:  .  . 
and  as  long  as  through  God's  grace  I  shall  live,  I  shall 
continue  it,  for  the  more  I  work  at  it,  the  greater  pleas- 
ure I  receive." 


58  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

Froissart  has  left  more  than  one  version  of 
certain  parts  of  his  Chronicles,  and  the  differ- 
ences between  these  versions  show  clearly  that 
he  is  merely  a  chronicler,  and  is  not  a  critical 
historian.  "Froissart  never  attempts  to  exam- 
ine evidence;  his  later  editions  are  not  im- 
proved and  corrected  editions  of  the  earlier, 
but  simply  'other  accounts.'  Each  is  but  a 
well- written  reproduction  of  the  story  told  by 
the  men  around  him." 

I  have  included  among  these  extracts  from 
Froissart  an  account  of  the  knighting  of  the 
German  Emperor,  William  of  Holland,  by  the 
.  Medieval  chronicler  John  of  Beka,  translated 
from  Albert  Richter's  Quellenbuch  fur  den 
Unterricht  in  der  deutschen  Geschichte.  Leip- 
zig, 1893.  The  account  of  the  tourney  of 
Ploermel  is  taken  from  W.  J.  Ashley's  Edward 
111.  and  his  Wars,  London,  1887,  in  the  series, 
English  History  by  contemporary  writers.  It 
is  not  to  be  found  in  Johnes'  translation. 

1.   THE   KNIGHTING    OF    WILLIAM     IV.,    EMPEROR    OP 
GERMANY,  1247 

Inasmuch  as  this  youth  was  still  only  an  esquire  at  the 
time  of  his  election,  preparations  were  hastened  that 
he  might  be  made  knight  before  his  coronation  at  Aix- 
la-Chapelle,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  Christian 
Emperors.  When  all  had  been  made  ready,  the  King  of 
Bohemia  presented  the  candidate  William  to  the  ambas- 
sador of  Pope  Innocent  IV.,  Petrus  Capuzius,  after  the 
reading  of  the  gospel  in  the  church  at  Cologne,  with 
these  words:  "  We  present  this  chosen  esquire,  vener- 
able father,  most  humbly  begging  thy  paternal  favoi 
to  receive  his  solemn  oath,  to  the  end  that  he  may  be 
worthily  received  into  our  order  of  knighthood." 

The  Cardinal,  arrayed  in  priestly  robes,  addressed 
the  candidate,  and,  playing  upon  the  letters  of  the  Latin 
word  miks  (which  signifies  knight),  said:  "Whoever 


CHIVALRY  AND  THE  MODE  OF  WARFARE.       59 

would  be  a  knight  mnst  be  high-minded,  noble,  rich, 
distinguished  and  spirited;  *  high-minded  in  adversity, 
noble  in  ancestry,  rich  in  integrity,  distinguished  in 
conduct,  and  spirited  in  manly  virtues.  Before  taking 
the  oath,  listen  with  careful  meditation  to  the  demands 
of  the  knightly  order.  Its  rules  are,  above  all  to  hear 
mass  daily  in  humble  remembrance  of  Christ's  passion, 
to  risk  life  boldly  for  the  Faith,  to  shield  the  Holy 
Church  and  her  servants  from  violence,  to  protect  wid- 
ows and  orphans  in  need,  to  avoid  unrighteous  war,  to 
refuse  unrighteous  service  and  corrupt  rewards,  to 
do  wager  of  battle  for  the  innocent,  to  tourney  only 
for  the  sake  of  knightly  skill,  to  obey  the  Roman  Em- 
peror with  all  reverence,  to  do  no  injury  to  the  im- 
perial domains,  to  alienate  in  no  manner  a  feudal  estate 
of  the  King  or  the  Emperor,  and  to  walk  innocently  in 
the  sight  of  God  and  men.  If  thou  obeyest  humbly  the 
commandments  of  the  knightly  order,  and  fullfilest 
them  so  far  as  in  thy  power  lies,  so  wilt  thou  win  tem- 
poral honor  upon  earth,  and  eternal  rest  in  heaven." 

Thereupon  the  Cardinal  placed  the  folded  hands  of 
the  esquire  upon  the  missal  and  the  gospel  and  said, 
"  Wilt  thou  receive  the  honor  of  knighthood  humbly  be- 
fore God,  and  follow  its  rules  according  to  thy  power?" 
The  esquire  answered,  "  I  will." 

Thereupon  the  Cardinal  handed  to  the  esquire  the 
following  oath,  who  read  it  aloud  to  all  present.  "I, 
William,  Count  of  Holland,  free  vassal  of  the  Holy 
Empire,  solemnly  promise  to  observe  the  rules  of 
knighthood,  in  the  presence  of  Peter,  Cardinal  and 
Legate  from  the  papal  throne,  by  the  holy  gospel  upon 
which  my  hand  rests."  Then  the  Cardinal  said: 
"This  humble  promise  shall  give  thee  true  remission  of 
thy  sins.  Amen. " 

After  these  things  had  been  said,  the  King  of  Bohemia 
gave  the  esquire  a  mighty  stroke  on  the  neck  and  said: 
"I  make  thee  knight  to  the  honor  of  the  Almighty 
God,  and  receive  thee  with  felicitations  into  our  brother- 
hood; but  remember  how  before  Annas  the  high 
priest  the  Savior  of  the  World  was  smitten  for  thee- 
how  before  Pilate  he  was  reviled  and  scourged  and 

*The  Latin  words  are  magnanimus,  ingenuus,  Iargifluu8,egregte9 
and  strenuus.  Their  initial  letters  form  the  word  miles. 


60  EUROPEAN    HISTORY   STUDIES. 

crowned  with  thorns,  how  before  Herod  he  was  clothed 
in  a  mantle  and  mocked,  and  how  before  all  people  h« 
was  nailed  upon  the  cross.  I  beg  of  thee  to  remember 
this  shame;  I  council  thee  to  bear  this  cross;  I  exhort 
thee  to  revenge  this  death." 

After  the  ceremony  and  mass  had  been  read,  the  new 
knight  jousted  three  times  against  the  son  of  the  King 
of  Bohemia,  amidst  the  loud  sounds  of  trumpets  and  of 
drums,  and  then  fought  a  mock  battle  with  gleaming 
swords.  A  costly  festival  of  three  days  followed,  and 
those  present  received  rich  gifts.  (Translated  from 
Richter's  Quellenbuch,  No.  52. ) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Was  the  order  of  knighthood  held  in  high  esteem? 
2.  In  what  did  knightly  service  consist  ?  3.  What  seems 
to  you  the  significance  of  the  religious  character  of  the 
ceremony  and  the  oath?  4.  Why  should  the  knights 
tourney  only  for  the  sake  of  knightly  skill?  5.  What 
parts  of  the  oath  show  that  the  oath  varied  somewhat 
according  to  locality?  6.  Do  people  of  the  present  day 
still  find  the  knightly  ideal  of  conduct  an  attractive  one  ? 
Answer  by  references  to  modern  literature. 

2.     THE  TOURNEY  OF   PLOERMEL,    1351 

In  this  same  season  there  took  place  in  Brittany  a  very 
great  deed  of  arms  that  ought  never  to  be  forgotten, 
but  rather  ought  to  be  put  forward  to  encourage  all 
young  squires,  and  to  give  them  an  example.  And 
that  you  may  the  better  understand  the  matter  you 
must  know  that  there  were  wars  continually  between 
the  parties  of  the  two  ladies  Joan  of  Montfort  and 
Joan  of  Blois,  because  that  the  lord  Charles  of  Blois 
was  imprisoned.  And  the  parties  of  these  same  ladies 
warred  on  each  other  by  means  of  their  garrisons, 
which  kept  themselves  within  their  castles  and  their 
strong  towns  both  on  the  one  side  and  on  the  other. 

It  chanced  one  day  that  the  lord  Robert  of  Beau- 
manoir,  a  right  valiant  knight  of  the  most  high  lineage 
in  Brittany,  who  was  seneschal  of  the  castle  which  has 
to  name  the  castle  Josselin,  and  who  had  with  him  a 
goodly  company  of  men-of-arms  of  his  own  lineage 
and  others  who  were  mercenaries,  came  before  the 
town  and  the  castle  of  Ploe"rmel.  Its  captain  was  a 
man  named  Bramborough,  and  he  had  with  him  a 


CHIVALRY  AND  THE  MODE  OF  WARFARE.       t)l 

great  company  of  mercenaries,  German,  English,  and 
Breton,  who  were  of  the  party  of  the  countess  of  Mont- 
fort.  And  this  same  lord  Robert  with  his  company 
an  before  the  barriers,  and  would  gladly  have  seen 
those  within  sally  forth,  but  not  one  stirred.  When 
sir  Robert  saw  this,  he  approached  yet  a  little  nearer 
and  called  to  the  captain.  And  he  came  before  the 
gate  to  speak  with  the  said  sir  Robert,  on  the  safe  as- 
surance on  the  one  hand  and  on  the  other. 

"  Bramborough, "  said  sir  Robert,  "are  there  no  men 
of  arms  within  your  walls,  either  you  or  other  two  or 
three,  who  would  joust  with  lances  against  other  three 
on  our  party  for  the  love  of  their  friends?  " 

Bramborough  answered  and  said,  "Their  friends 
would  never  wish  that  they  should  be  evilly  killed  in 
a  single  joust,  for  that  would  be  a  chance  of  fortune 
too  soon  over,  and  would  win  the  name  of  foolhardi- 
ness  and  folly,  rather  than  bring  them  renown.  But 
I  will  tell  you  what  we  will  do,  an  it  please  you.  You 
shall  take  twenty  or  thirty  of  your  companions  from  your 
garrison,  and  I  will  take  as  many  from  mine.  And  let  us 
go  to  a  fair  field,  where  none  shall  hinder  or  trouble  us, 
and  command  our  companions,  on  pain  of  hanging, 
on  the  one  side  and  on  the  other,  and  also  all  those 
who  stand  and  watch  us,  that  none  shall  give  aid  or 
comfort  to  any  of  the  combatants.  And  there  straitly 
in  that  place  let  us  prove  ourselves  and  do  such  things 
that  in  the  time  to  come  men  shall  speak  of  us  in  halls 
and  in  palaces,  in  public  places  and  in  all  other  parts 
of  the  world.  And  let  the  renown  and  the  good-luck 
be  to  those  to  whom  God  shall  award  it.  . 

When  the  day  came  Bramborough's  thirty  compan- 
ions heard  mass;  then  armed  themselves  and  went  to  the 
place  where  the  battle  was  to  be,  and  there  alighted  on 
foot;  and  they  straitly  forbade  all  those  who  were  there 
that  they  should  come  between  them  for  whatever 
chance  or  peril  they  might  see  befall  to  their  companions. 
And  thus  likewise  did  the  thirty  companions  of  the  lord 
Robert  of  Beaumanoir.  And  these  thirty  companions, 
that  we  call  the  English,  awaited  for  a  great  space  those 
others  that  we  call  the  French.  When  the  thirty  French- 
men wftre  come,  they  alighted  from  their  horses  and  gave 
to  their  followers  the  same  commandment  that  the  Eng- 


62  EUROPEAN    HISTORY  STUDIES. 

liah  knights  had  given.  Each  side  agreed  that  five  of 
them  should  remain  on  horseback  at  the  entrance  of 
the  place,  and  that  the  other  twenty-five  should  alight. 
And  when  they  were  each  before  the  other,  the  whole 
sixty  held  parley  together  for  a  short  space;  then  they 
drew  back  on  the  one  side  and  on  the  other,  and  made 
all  their  followers  withdraw  to  a  greater  distance.  Then 
one  of  them  made  a  sign,  and  forthwith  they  ran  for- 
ward, and  fiercely  they  fought  in  the  press,  and  nobly 
they  succoured  each  the  other,  where  they  saw  their 
companions  in  great  straits.  .  . 

And  of  the  Frenchmen  there  were  slain  four,  and  of 
the  Englishmen  two.  Thus  they  rested  on  both  sides 
for  a  long  space,  and  drank  wine  that  was  brought  to 
them  in  bottles,  rebuckled  their  disordered  armor, 
and  dressed  their  wounds.  When  they  were  thus  re- 
freshed, the  first  party  which  arose  made  a  sign  and 
called  on  the  other.  Then  began  as  before  a  sore  and 
fierce  battle  which  lasted  a  long  while.  They  fought 
with  the  short  swords  of  Bordeaux,  strong  and  sharp, 
and  with  lances  and  daggers,  and  others  with  axes, 
and  they  gave  each  other  marvellous  great  blows,  and 
one  and  all  threw  themselves  into  the  battle,  and 
smote  each  other  without  sparing.  You  may  well 
believe  they  did  right  noble  deeds  of  arms  for  man, 
body  to  body,  and  hand  to  hand.  There  has  never 
been  heard  tell  of  such  deeds  for  this  hundred  years 
past.  Thus  they  fought  together  like  good  champions, 
and  maintained  this  second  encounter  right  valiantly, 
but  finally  the  English  were  worsted.  For  thus  have  I 
heard  it  related  how  that  one  of  the  Frenchmen  who 
was  on  horseback  broke  and  scattered  them  so  fiercely 
that  Bramborough,  their  captain,  and  eight  of  their 
companions  were  there  slain;  and  the  others  yielded 
themselves  prisoners  when  they  saw  how  their  defence 
would  not  aid  them,  for  they  could  not  and  would  not 
fly.  And  the  same  lord  Robert  and  his  companions 
who  were  yet  alive  took  them,  and  led  them  to  the 
castle  Josselin  as  their  prisoners,  and  afterward  put 
them  to  ransom  courteously  when  that  they  were  all 
cured  of  their  hurts;  for  there  were  none  who  were  not 
sore  wounded,  Frenchmen  no  less  than  Englishmen. 

And  since  that  time  I  have  seen  sitting  at  the  table 


CHIVALRY  AND  THE  MODE  OF  WARFARE.       63 

of  Charles  king  of  France  a  Breton  knight,  sir  Evan 
of  Charuel  who  had  been  there;  and  he  had  his  face 
so  cut  about  and  hacked  that  it  plainly  showed  how 
that  the  encounter  had  been  nobly  fought.  And  in 
many  places  was  this  adventure  related  and  recorded, 
and  some  thought  it  prowess  and  others  f oolhardiness. 
(I.,  Ch.  CCCXXXV.  VII.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  The  great  struggle  between  England  and  France 
was  continued  in  this  local  manner,  notwithstanding 
the  truce  between  the  French  and  English  kings. 
What  characteristic  of  the  feudal  system  of  govern- 
ment does  this  illustrate?  2.  Do  you  see  any  similar- 
ity between  this  tourney  and  the  old  wager  of  battle, 
which  was  an  appeal  to  the  judgment  of  God?  3.  Did 
Froissart  look  upon  it  as  an  instance  of  divine  justice 
or  as  a  noble  feat  of  arms?  4.  How  did  the  knights 
regard  it?  5.  What  did  the  world  say  about  it?  6. 
Did  the  knight  love  fighting  for  its  own  sake?  7.  Did 
they  care  for  their  reputations?  8.  Why  did  Sir  Rob- 
ert run*  before  the  barriers  with  his  company?  9. 
Could  the  knights  place  implicit  confidence  upon  each 
other's  word?  10.  Could  they  be  depended  to  fight 
according  to  rule,  and  to  take  no  mean  advantage? 
11.  How  did  they  treat  their  captives?  12.  Did  they 
always  treat  those  not  belonging  to  the  knightly 
order  with  the  same  consideration?  (other  extracts) 
13.  What  weapons  did  the  knights  use?  14.  How- 
did  Froissart  learn  of  this  tourney?  15.  Even  if 
we  were  to  assume  that  he  is  misinformed  as  to 
details,  what  value  would  the  account  still  have  for 


us; 


3.    CONDUCT  OF  A  CAMPAIGN 


a.  Edward  HI.,  in  Normandy,  ISlfi 

He  then  held  another  council  respecting  the  order  of 
march,  and  determined  to  divide  the  army  into  three 
battalions;  one  of  which  should  advance  on  his  right, 
following  the  sea-coast,  and  another  on  his  left;  and 
he  himself,  with  the  prince  his  son,  and  the  main  body, 
in  the  centre.  Every  night,  the  marshal's  battalion 
was  to  retire  to  the  quarters  of  the  king.  They  thus 
began  their  march,  as  they  had  resolved  upon:  those 
who  were  on  board  the  fleet  coasted  the  shores,  and 
took  every  vessel,  great  and  small,  they  met  with. 
Both  the  armies  of  sea  and  land  went  forward,  until 
they  came  to  a  strong  town,  called  Barfleur,  which 
they  soon  gained;  the  inhabitants- having  surrendered 


64  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

immediately,  for  fear  of  losing  their  lives:  but  that 
did  not  prevent  the  town  from  being  pillaged  and 
robbed  of  gold,  silver,  and  everything  precious  that 
could  be  found  therein.  There  was  so  much  wealth, 
that  the  boys  of  the  army  set  no  value  upon  gowns 
trimmed  with  fur.  ...  In  this  manner  did  they 
plunder  and  burn  a  great  many  towns  in  that  country: 
and  acquired  so  much  riches  that  it  would  have  been 
difficult  to  have  counted  their  wealth.  .  .  .  Sir 
Godfrey,  as  marshal,  advanced  before  the  king,  with 
the  vanguard  of  five  hundred  armed  men  and  two 
thousand  archers,  and  rode  on  for  six  or  seven  leagues' 
distance  from  the  main  army,  burning  and  destroying 
the  country.  They  found  it  rich  and  plentiful,  abound- 
ing in  all  things:  the  barns  full  of  every  sort  of  corn, 
and  the  houses  with  riches:  the  inhabitants  at  their 
ease,  having  cars,  carts,  horses,  swine,  sheep,  and 
everything  in  abundance  which  the  country  afforded. 
They  seized  whatever  they  chose  of  all  these  good 
things,  and  brought  them  to  the  king's  army:  but  the 
soldiers  did  not  give  any  account  to  their  officers,  or  to 
those  appointed  by  the  king,  of  the  gold  and  silver 
they  took,  which  they  kept  to  themselves.  In  this 
manner  did  sir  Godfrey,  every  day,  proceed  to  the  left 
of  the  king's  army;  and  each  night  returned,  with  his 
party,  to  the  place  where  he  knew  the  king  intended 
fixing  his  quarters.  Sometimes,  when  he  found  great 
plenty  of  forage  and  booty,  he  was  two  or  three  days 
before  he  returned.  The  king,  therefore,  with  his 
army  and  baggage,  advanced  toward  St.  Lo,  in  Cout- 
antin;  but,  before  he  arrived  there,  he  took  up  his 
quarters  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  to  wait  for  the  re- 
turn of  that  part  of  his  army  which  he  had  sent  along 
the  sea-coast.  When  they  were  come  back,  with  all 
their  booty  safely  packed  in  wagons,  the  earl  of  War- 
wick, the  earl  of  Suffolk,  the  lord  Thomas  Holland, 
and  the  lord  Reginald  Cobham,  took  their  march,  with 
their  battalion,  on  the  right,  burning  and  destroying 
the  country  in  the  same  way  that  sir  Godfrey  de  Har- 
court  was  doing.  The  king  marched,  with  the  main 
body,  between  these  two  battalions  and  every  night 
they  encamped  together.  (L,  Ch.  CXXL) 


CHIVALRY  AND  THE  MODE  OF  WARFARE,       65 

b.  The  Black  Prince  in  Central  France,  1356 
The  king  [of  France]  gave  orders  for  all  the  towns  in 
•  Anjou,  Poitou,  Maine  and  Touraine,  to  be  well  gar- 
risoned and  provided  with  all  things,  especially  those 
on  the  borders,  by  which  it  was  hoped  the  English 
would  pass,  that  they  might  be  enclosed,  and  cut  off 
from  any  subsistence  for  themselves  and  horses.  In 
.spite  of  this,  however,  the  prince  who  had  with  him 
two  thousand  men-at-arms  and  six  thousand  archers, 
rode  on  at  his  ease,  and  collected  everywhere  provisions 
in  plenty.  They  found  the  country  of  Auvergne,  which 
they  had  entered  and  overrun,  very  rich,  and  all  things 
in  great  abundance;  but  they  would  not  stop  there,  as 
they  were  desirous  of  combating  their  enemies.  They 
burnt  and  destroyed  all  the  countries  they  passed 
through,  and  when  they  entered  any  town  which  was 
well  provisioned,  they  rested  there  some  days  to  refresh 
themselves,  and  at  their  departure  destroyed  what  re- 
mained, staving  the  heads  of  wine  casks  that  were  full, 
burning  the  wheat  and  oats,  so  that  their  enemies  could 
not  save  anything.  They  kept  advancing,  and  found 
plenty  everywhere;  for  the  countries  of  Berry,  Poitou, 
Touraine  and  Maine  are  very  rich,  and  full  of  forage 
for  men-at-arms. 

The  English  advanced  so  far  that  they  came  to  the 
good  city  of  Bourges,  where  there  was  a  great  skirmish 
at  one  of  the  gates.  Two  knights,  the  lord  de  Cousant 
and  the  lord  Hutin  de  Memelles,  had  charge  of  the 
city.  Many  gallant  deeds  were  performed;  but  the  Eng- 
lish left  it  without  doing  any  damage,  and  went  to  Isso- 
dun,  where  there  was  a  strong  castle.  They  attacked  it 
very  briskly,  with  their  whole  army,  but  they  could  not 
gain  it;  for  the  governor  and  the  knights  who  were  with 
him  too  valiantly  defended  themselves.  The  English 
therefore  passed  on,  and  came  to  a  large  town  and  castle: 
the  town,  being  weakly  fortified  and  badly  defended, 
was  taken  by  storm.  They  found  there,  great  plenty  of 
wines  and  other  provisions,  and  remained  three  days  to 
repose  themselves.  News  was  brought,  there  to  the 
prince  of  Wales,  that  the  king  of  France  was  in  the  city 
of  Chartres,  with  a  very  large  army,  and  that  all  the 
passes  and  towns  on  that  side  of  the  Loire  were  secured, 
and  so  well  guarded  no  one  could  cross  the  river.  The 


66  EUROPEAN    HISTORY   STUDIES. 

prince  had  held  a  council,  when  it  was  resolved  he 
should  set  out  on  his  return  to  Bordeaux,  whence  he  had 
come,  through  Touraine  and  Poitou,  and  destroy  all 
the  country  as  he  passed.  They  began  their  retreat 
after  they  had  all  done  their  pleasure  with  the  town; 
and  this  day  they  gained  the  castle,  and  slew  the  greater 
part  whom  they  found  in  it.  (L,  Ch.  CLVI.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  was  Edward's  object  in  dividing  his  army 
on  the  march?  2.  What  were  Edward  III.  and  the 
Black  Prince  trying  to  do  in  these  campaigns?  What 
was  their  military  objective?  3.  Did  they  find  it  pos- 
sible to  take  cities  and  castles  which  were  properly 
fortified  and  bravely  defended ?  Why  not?  4.  Do  you 
see  a  connection  between  the  practical  impregnability 
of  the  cities  and  castles  and  the  apparent  aimlessness 
of  their  campaigns?  5.  What  did  they  do  with  a  con- 
quered city  or  castle  ?  Did  they  leave  a  garrison  in  it 
to  control  the  surrounding  country?  6.  Did  knightly 
honor  prevent  the  robbing  and  murdering  of  inoffensive 
peasants  and  citizens? 

4.    THE  BATTLE  OF  CREC.  Y,  1346 

o.  The  English  Order  of  Battle 

The  king  of  England,  as  I  have  mentioned  before, 
encamped  this  Friday  on  the  plain:  for  he  found  the 
country  abounding  in  provisions;  but,  if  they  should 
have  failed,  he  had  plenty  in  the  carriages  which  at- 
tended on  him.  The  army  set  about  furbishing  and 
repairing  their  armor;  and  the  king  gave  a  supper  that 
evening  to  the  earls  and  barons  of  his  army,  where  they 
made  good  cheer.  On  their  taking  leave,  the  king  re- 
mained alone,  with  the  lords  of  his  bed-chamber:  he  re- 
tired into  his  oratory,  and,  falling  on  his  knees  before  the 
altar,  played  to  God,  that,  if  he  should  combat  his  ene- 
mies on  the  morrow,  he  might  come  off  with  honor. 
About  midnight  he  went  to  bed;  and,  rising  early  the 
next  day,  he  and  the  prince  of  Wales  heard  mass,  and 
communicated.  The  greater  part  of  his  army  did  the 
same,  confessed,  and  made  proper  preparations.  After 
mass,  the  king  ordered  his  men  to  arm  themselves,  and 
assemble  on  the  ground  he  had  before  fixed  on.  He  had 
enclosed  a  large  park  near  a  wood,  on  the  rear  of  his 
army,  in  which  he  placed  all  his  baggage- wagons  and 
horses;  and  this  park  had  but  one  entrance:  his  men-at- 
arms  and  archers  remained  on  foot. 


CHIVALRY  AND  THE  MODE  OF  WARFARE.      67 

The  king  afterwards  ordered,  through  his  constable 
and  his  two  marshals,  that  the  army  should  be  divided 
into  three  battalions.  In  the  first,  he  placed  the  young 
prin£e_oj  Wales,  and  with  him  the  earls  of  Warwick 
and  Oxford,  sir  Godfrey  de  Harcourt,  the  lord  Reginald 
Cobham,  lord  Thomas  Holland,  lord  Stafford,  lord 
Mauley,  the  lord  Delaware,  sir  John  Chandos,  lord 
Bartholomew  Burgherst,  lord  Robert  Neville,  lord 
Thomas  Clifford,  the  lord  Bourchier,  the  lord  Latimer, 
and  many  other  knights  and  squires  whom  I  cannot 
name.  There  might  be,  in  this  first  division,  about 
eight  hundred  men-at-arms,  two  thousand  archers,  and 
a  thousand  Welshmen.  They  advanced  in  regular  or- 
der to  their  ground,  each  lord  under  his  banner  and 
pennon,  and  in  the  centre  of  his  men.  In  the  second 
battalion  were  the  earl  of  Northampton,  the  earl  of 
Arundel,  the  lords  Roos,  Willoughby,  Bassett,  Saint 
Albans,  sir  Lewis  Tuf  ton,  lord  Multon,  the  lord  La_scels, 
and  many  others;  amounting,  in  the  whole,  to  about 
eight  hundred  jmen-at-arms.  andjrwelxfi Jmndred  arch- 
ers. The  third  battalion  was^commanded  by  the  king, 
and  was  composed  of  about  seven  hundred  men-at- 
arms,  and  two  thpj3sajgLd_ajchers. 

The  king  then  mounted  a  small  palfrey,  having  a 
white  wand  in  his  hand,  and  attended  by  his  two 
marshals  on  each  side  of  him:  he  rode  a  foot's  pace 
through  all  the  ranks,  encouraging  and  entreating  the 
army,  that  they  would  guard  his  honor  and  defend  his 
right.  He  spoke  this  so  sweetly,  and  with  such  a  cheer- 
ful countenance,  that  all  who  had  been  dispirited  were 
directly  comforted  by  seeing  and  hearing  him.  When 
he  had  thus  visited  all  the  battalions,  it  was  near  ten 
o'clock;  he  retired  to  his  own  division,  and  ordered 
them  all  to  eat  heartily,  and  drink  a  glass  after.  They 
ate  and  drank  at  their  ease;  and,  having  packed  up 
pots,  barrels,  &c.,  in  the  carts,  they  returned  to  their 
battalions,  according  to  the  marshals'  orders,  and 
seated  themselves  on  the  ground,  placing  their  helmets 
and  bows  before  them,  that  they  might  be  the  fresher 
when  their  enemies  should  arrive.  (I.,  Ch.  CXXVJL) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Did  the  feudal  armies  pay  for  what  they  took  while 
passing  through  a  hostile  country?  2.  What  was  the 


68  EUROPEAN    HISTORY. STUDIES. 

relative  numbers  of  knights  and  archers  in  the  English 
army?  3.  Cite  facts  which  indicate  that  Edward  III. 
was  a  skillful  commander.  4.  What  was  his  idea  in 
dismounting  his  men-at-arms?  5.  Was  the  plan  suc- 
cessful? 6.  What  do  you  find  in  the  demeanor  of  the 
English  that  presages  victory?  7.  Draw  a  diagram  of 
the  English  order  of  battle. 

6.     The  French  in  Disorder 

That  same  Saturday,  the  king  o£  France  rose  be- 
times, and  heard  mass  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Peter's 
in  Abbeville,  where  he  was  lodged:  having  ordered  his 
army  to  do  the  same,  he  left  that  town  after  sunrise. 
When  he  had  marched  about  two  leagues  from  Abbe- 
ville, and  was  approaching  the  enemy,  he  was  advised 
to  form  his  army  in  order  of  battle,  and  to  let  those  on 
foot  march  forward,  that  they  might  not  be  trampled 
on  by  the  horses.  The  king,  upon  this,  sent  off  four 
knights,  the  lord  Moyneof  Bastleberg,  the  lord  of  Noy- 
ers,  the  lord  of  Beaujeu,  and  the  lord  of  Aubigny,  who 
rode  so  near  to  the  English  that  they  could  clearly  dis- 
tinguish their  position.  The  English  plainly  perceived 
they  were  come  to  reconnoitre  them-,  however,  they 
took  no  notice  of  it,  but  suffered  them  to  return  un- 
molested. When  the  king  of  France  saw  them  coming 
back,  he  halted  his  army;  and  the  knights,  pushing 
through  the  crowds,  came  near  the  king,  who  said  to 
them,  "My  lords,  what  news?"  They  looked  at  each 
other,  without  opening  their  mouths:  for  neither  chose 
to  speak  first.  At  last,  the  king  addressing  himself  to 
the  lord  Moyne,  who  was  attached  to  the  king  of  Bohe- 
mia, and  had  performed  very  many  gallant 'deeds,  so 
that  he  was  esteemed, one  of  the  most  valiant  knights 
in  Christendom.  .  The  lord  Moyne  said,  "Sir,  t  will 
speak,  since  it  pleases  you  to  order  me,  but  under  the 
correction  of  my  companions.  We  have  advanced  far 
enough  to  reconnoitre  your  enemies.  Know,  then,  that 
they  are  drawn  up  in  three  battalions,  and  are  waiting 
for  you'.  I  would  advise,  for  my  part,  (submitting,  how- 
ever, to  better  counsel,)  that  you  halt  your  army  here, 
and  quarter  them  for  the  night;  for  before  the  rear 
shall  come  up,  and  the  army  be  properly  drawn  out,  it 
will  be  very  late,  your  men  will  be  tired  and  in  dis- 
order, while  they  will  find  your  enemies  fresh  and 
properly  arrayed.  On  the  morrow,  you  may  draw  up 


CHIVALRY  AND  THE  MODE  OF  WARFARE.       69 

you  army  more  at  ease,  and  may  reconnoitre  at  leisure 
on  what  part  it  will  be  most  advantageous  to  begin  the 
attack;  for,  be  assured  they  will  wait  for  you."  The 
king  commanded  that  it  should  so  be  done:  and  the 
two  marshals  rode,  one  toward  the  front,  and  the  other 
to  the  rear,  crying  out,  "Halt  banners,  in  the  name 
of  God  and  St.  Denis."  Those  that  were  in  the  front 
halted;  but  those  behind  said  they  would  not  halt, 
until  they  were  as  forward  as  the  front.  When  the 
front  perceived  the  rear  pressing  on,  they  pushed  for- 
ward; and  neither  the  king  nor  the  marshals  could  stop 
them,  but  they  marched  without  any  order  until  they 
came  in  sight  of  their  enemies.  As  soon  as  the  fore-) 
most  rank  saw  them,  they  fell  back  at  once,  in  great 
disorder,  which  alarmed  those  in  the  rear,  who 
thought  they  had  been  fighting.  There  was  then  space 
and  room  enough  for  them  to  have  passed  forward, 
had  they  been  willing  to  do  so;  some  did  so,  but  others 
remained  shy.  All  the  roads  between  Abbeville  and 
Crecy  were  covered  with  common  people,  who,  when 
they  were  come  within  three  leagues  of  their  enemies, 
drew  their  swords,  bawling  out,  "Kill,  kill;  "  and  with 
them  were  many  great  lords  that  were  eager  to  make 
show  of  their  courage.  There  is  no  man,  unless  he 
had  been  present,  that  can  imagine,  or  describe  truly, 
the  confusion  of  that  day;  especially  the  bad  man- 
agement and  disorder  of  the  French,  whose  troops 
were  out  of  number.  What  I  know  and  shall  relate  in 
this  book,  I  have  learnt  chiefly  from  the  English,  who 
had  well  observed  the  confusion  they  were  in,  and 
from  those  attached  to  sir  John  of  Hainault,  who  was 
always  near  the  person  of  the  king  of  France.  (I.,  Ch. 
CXXVIII.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Did  the  French  king  show  any  skill  in  arranging 
for  the  attack  at  Cregy?  2.  Why  did  not  the  French 
knights  halt  when  commanded  to  do  so?  3.  Did  the 
French  King  choose  either  the  time  or  the  manner  of 
attack?  4.  Was  a  carefully  planned  battle  possible 
with  such  ill -disciplined  troops?  5.  What  was  there  in 
the  organization  of  the  feudal  army  which  made  strict 
discipline  very  difficult?  (ne£fc  pamphlet).  6.  Compare 
the  conduct  of  the  English  and  French  knights  and 
their  method  of  fighting.  7.  Which  of  the  two  armies 
was  more  national  in  its  composition?  8.  Have  you 


70  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

found  other  mention  in  these  extracts  to  mercenary 

troops?    9.    Was  Froissart   an   eye  witness  of   these 

events? 

c.   The  Defeat  of  the  Fr  ncli 

The  English,  who  were  drawn  up  in  three  divisions, 
and  seated  on  the  ground,  on  seeing  their  enemies  ad- 
vance, rose  undauntedly  up,  and  fell  into  their  ranks. 
That  of  the  prince  was  the  first  to  do  so  whose  archers 
were  formed  in  the  manner  of  a  portcullis,  or  harrow, 
and  the  men-at-arms  in  the  rear.  The  earls  of  North- 
ampton and  Arundel,  who  commanded  the  second  divi- 
sion, had  posted  themselves  in  good  order  on  his  wing, 
to  assist  and  succor  the  prince,  if  necessary. 

You  must  know,  that  these  kings,  earls,  barons  and 
lords  of  France,  did  not  advance  in  any  regular  order/ 
but  one  after  the  other,  or  any  way  most  pleasing  to 
themselves.  As  so3n  as  the  king  of  France  came  in 
sight  of  the  English,  his  blood  began  to  boil,  and  he 
cried  out  to  his  marshals,  ' '  Order  the  Genoese  forward, 
and  begin  the  battle,  in  the  name  of  God  and  St. 
Denis.  There  were  about  fifteen  thousand  Genoese 
cross  bowmen;  but  they  were  quite  fatigued,  having 
marched  on  foot  that  day  six  leagues,  completely  armed 
and  with  their  cross-bows  They  told  the  constable, 
they  were  not  in  a  fit  condition  to  do  any  great  things 
that  day  in  battle.  The  earl  of  Alencon  hearing  this, 
said,  "This  is  what  one  gets  by  employing  such 
scoundrels,  who  fall  off  when  there  is  any  need  for 
them."  During  this  time  a  heavy  rain  fell,  accom- 
panied by  thunder  and  a  very  terrible  eclipse  of  the 
sun;  and  before  this  rain  a  great  flight  of  crows  hov. 
ered  in  the  air  over  all  those  battalions,  making  a  loud 
noise.  Shortly  afterwards  it  cleared  up,  and  the  sun 
shone  very  bright;  but  the  Frenchmen  had  it  in  their 
faces,  and  the  English  in  their  backs.  When  the 
Genoese  were  somewhat  in  order,  and  approached  the 
English,  they  set  up  a  loud  shout,  in  order  to  frighten 
them;  but  they  remained  quite  still,  and  did  not  seem 
to  attend  to  it.  Then  they  set  up  a  second  shout,  and 
advanced  a  little  forward;  but  the  English  never 
moved. 

Then  they  hooted  a  third  time,  advancing  with  their 
cross-bows  presented,  and  began  to  shoot.  The  English 
archers  then  advanced  one  step  forward,  and  shot 


CHIVALRY  AND  THE  MODE  OF  WARFARE.       71 

their  arrows  with  such  force  and  quickness,  that  it 
seemed  as  if  it  snowed.  When  the  Genoese  felt  these 
arrows,  which  pierced  their  arms,  heads,  and  through 
their  armor,  some  of  them  cut  the  strings  of  their 
cross-bows,  others  flung  them  on  the  ground,  and  all 
turned  about  and  retreated  quite  discomfited.  The 
French  had  a  large  body  of  men-at-arms  on  horseback, 
richly  dressed,  to  support  the  Genoese.  The  king  of 
France,  seeing  them  thus  fall  back,  cried  out,  "Kill 
me  those  scoundrels;  for  they  stop  up  their  road,  with- 
out any  reason. "  You  would  then  have  seen  the  above- 
mentioned  men-at-arms  lay  about  them,  killing  all 
they  could  of  these  runaways. 

The  English  continued  shooting  as  vigorously  and 
quickly  as  before;  some  of  their  arrows  fell  among  the 
horsemen,  who  were  sumptuously  equipped,  and,  kill- 
ing and  wounding  many,  made  them  caper  and  fall 
among  the  Genoese,  so  that  they  were  in  such  con- 
fusion they  could  never  rally  again.  In  the  English 
army  there  were  some  Cornish  and  Welshmen  on  foot, 
who  had  armed  themselves  with  large  knives:  these 
advancing  through  the  ranks  of  the  men-at-arms  and 
archers,  who  made  way  for  them,  came  upon  the 
French  when  they  were  in  this  danger,  and,  falling 
upon  earls,  barons,  knights  and  squires,  slew  many,  at 
which  the  king  of  England  was  afterwards  much  ex- 
asperated. The  valiant  king  of  Bohemia  was  slain 
there.  .  .  . 

This  battle,  which  was  fought  on  the  Saturday  be- 
tween la  Broyes  and  Crecy,  was  very  murderous  and 
cruel;  and  many  gallant  deeds  of  arms  were  performed 
that  were  never  known.  Toward  evening,  many 
knights  and  squires  of  the  French  had  lost  their 
masters:  they  wandered  up  and  down  the  plain,  at- 
tacking .the  English  in  small  parties:  they  were  soon 
destroyed;  for  the  English  had  determined  that  day  to 
give  no  quarter,  or  hear  of  ransoiir  from  any  one. 

Early  in  the  day,  some  French,  Germans,  and  Savoy- 
ards, had  broken  through  the  archers  of  the  prince's 
battalion,  and  had  engaged  with  the  men-at-arms; 
upon  which  the  second  battalion  came  to  his  aid,  and  it 
was  time,  for  otherwise  he  would  have  been  hard 
pressed.  .  .  .  (Ch.  CXXIX.) 
When,  on  the  Saturday  night,  the  English  heard  no 


72  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

more  hooting  or  shouting,  nor  any  more  crying  out  to 
particular  lords  or  their  banners,  they  looked  upon  the 
field  as  their  own,  and  their  enemies  as  beaten.  They 
made  great  fires,  and  lighted  torches  because  of  the  ob- 
scurity of  the  night.  King  Edward  then  came  down 
from  his  post,  who  all  that  day  had  not  put  on  his  hel- 
met, and,  with  his  whole  battalion  advanced  to  the 
prince  of  Wales,  whom  he  embraced  in  his  arms  and 
kissed,  and  said,  "  Sweet  son,  God  give  you  good  perse- 
verence:  you  are  my  son,  for  most  loyally  have  you  ac- 
quitted yourself  this  day:  you  are  worthy  to  be  a  sover- 
eign. "  The  prince  bowed  down  very  low,  and  humbled 
himself,  giving  all  the  honor  to  the  king  his  father. 
The  English,  during  the  night,  made  frequent  thanks- 
givings to  the  Lord,  for  the  happy  issue  of  the  day,  and 
without  rioting;  for  the  king  had  forbidden  all  riot  or 
noise.  (Ch.  CXXX.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Explain  the  manner  in  which  the  English  archers 
and  men-at-arms  supported  each  other.  2.  Did  the 
knights  despise  and  maltreat  the  archers?  3.  Which 
did  the  most  execution  against  the  French,  the  knights 
or  archers?  4.  Would  it  be  correct  to  say  that  the  bat- 
tle was  won  by  the  archers  alone?  5.  Was  the  chief 
strength  of  the  French  army  in  its  infantry  or  in  its 
cavalry?  6.  How  did  the  French  employ  their  infan- 
try? 7.  Did  the  knights  despise  the  infantry?  9.  Did 
knightly  honor  permit  such  deeds  as  the  murder  of  the 
cross-bowmen?  10.  Which  was  a  more  typical  feudal 
army,  the  English  or  the  French?  11.  Make  it  clear 
that  the  day  of  the  mailed  horseman,  with  his  jousts  and 
tourneys,  was  going  fast.  12.  Why  was  Edward  III. 
exasperated  at  his  footmen  for  slaying  the  French 
knights? 

GENERAL  QUESTIONS 

1.  What  are  the  distinctive  features  of  medieval  as 
compared  with  modern  warfare? 

2.  Point  out  some  of  the  admirable  qualities  of  chiv 
airy.    Wherein  does  the   knightly   ideal  seem  to  us 
inadequate? 

3.  What  part  did  castles  and  fortified  cities  play  in 
medieval  warfare? 

4.  Characterize  briefly  the  state  of  medieval  military 
science  as  illustrated  by  these  extracts,  noting  (a)  the 
conduct  of  a  campaign,  (6)  the  conduct  of  a  battle. 

5.  What  sort  of  military  skill  was  shown  in  the  Tour- 
ney of  Plofirmel? 


European  History  Studies 

F.  M.  FLING,  PH.D.,  EDITOR. 


Vol.  II.  No.  5.  JANUARY,  1899 


CIVILIZATION  DURING  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


FEUDALISM 


SELECTIONS  MADE 


GUERNSEY  JONES,  Pn.D., 

UNIVERSITY  OF  NEBRASKA 


J.  H.  MILLER,  Publisher, 

LINCOLN,  NEBRASKA 


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EUROPEAN   HISTORY  STUDIES. 


CIVILIZATION    DURING    THE    MIDDLE 

AGES. 
Selections  Illustrating  Feudalism 

Zeller  B.  et  Luchaire  A.  Les  premiers  Cape'tiens,  Paris, 
1883.  Les  Cape'tiens  du  XII  e  siecle,  Louis  VI  et 
Louis  VII,  Paris,  1882.  In  L'  histoire  de  France 
raconte'e  par  les  contemporains. 

Recueil  General  des  anciennes  lois  frangaises  depuis  Tan 
•420  jusqu'a  la  revolution  de  1789.  Vol.  II.  Paris, 
no  date. 

THE  famous  statesman  and  abbot  Suger 
(1081-1151),  friend  and  counsellor  of 
two  successive  kings  of  France,  was  ed- 
ucated at  St.  Denis,  where  he  was  probably  the 
intimate  companion  of  the  young  prince  Louis, 
later  Louis  VI.,  or  Louis  the  Fat.  He  was  of 
humble  origin  and  had  to  struggle  against  the 
disadvantages  of  a  puny  body  and  ill  health,  but 
he  rose  to  be  the  confidant  of  the  abbot  Adam 
of  St.  Denis,  and  in  1122  was  elected  his  suc- 
cessor. Suger  was  the  chief  adviser  of  Louis 
the  Fat  in  his  struggle  against  the  independence 
of  the  feudal  nobility,  and  on  Louis  VII. 's  de- 
parture for  the  second  crusade  was  made  sole 
regent  during  the  royal  absence.  Shortly  after 
the  death  of  Louis  the  Fat  in  1137,  Suger  wrote 
the  panegyric,  the  History  of  Louis  the  Fat, 
from  which  three  of  the  following  selections  are 
taken. 

It  has  long  been  disputed  whether  the  col- 
lection of  laws  known  as  the  Etabiissements  of 
St.  Louis  is  really  what  it  has  been  assumed  to  be, 
i.  e.)  the  official  promulgation  by  that  prince  of  a 


FEUDALISM.  75 

legal  code.  The  researches  of  the  last  editor  of 
the  Establissements,  M.  Paul  Viollet,  have  made 
it  clear  that  it  is  not  such  an  official  code, but  sim- 
ply a  private  compilation  by  some  one  for  the 
purposes  of  instruction,  a  text  book.  M.  Viol- 
let's  penetrating  criticism  has  established  the  fol- 
lowing facts:  (1)  Chapters  1-9  of  Book  I.  are 
copied  from  a  regulation  concerning  the  pro- 
vostship  of  Paris  and  from  a  royal  ordinance; 
(2)  chapters  10-175  of  Book  I.  are  copied 
from  a  collection  of  the  customs  of  Anjou;  (3) 
Book  II.  is  largely  copied  from  a  collection  of 
the  customs  of  Orleanais;  (4)  the  compilation 
was  very  probably  made  after  the  octave 
of  All  Saints,  1272,  since  three  references  are 
made  to  a  decision  of  Philip  the  Bold  in  Parlia- 
ment on  that  day,  and  it  must  have  been  finished 
before  June  19,  1273,  the  date  of  one  of  the 
manuscripts. 

The  History  of  the  Normans  by  Guillaume 
de  Jumiege,  from  which  the  account  of  the 
peasants'  revolt  is  taken,  the  first  peasants'  re- 
volt of  the  Middle  Ages,  was  written  in  the 
twelfth  century  and  covers  the  period  from  851 
to  1137.  The  early  part  of  the  work  is  based 
upon  other  writers,  notably  Dudo,  Dean  of  St. 
Quentin,  whose  record  of  the  tenth  century  is 
that  of  a  contemporary  and  very  important, 
(Zeller  and  Luchaire. ) 

1.     L.OUTS     THE     FAT     TAKES    PRISONER     HUGH    THE 
YOUNGER,  LORD  OF   PUISET,  1111 

As  delicious  fruit  preserves  its  fragrant  savor  when 
the  tree  is  transplanted  or  its  branches  grafted,  so  in- 
iquity and  vice,  which  should  everywhere  be  rooted 
out,  are  transmitted,  like  the  taste  for  bitter  absinthe, 
through  a  long  line  of  evil  men  to  the  last  of  their  de- 


76  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

scendants.  Thus  it  was  with  that  outcast,  Hugh  of 
Puiset,  rich  in  his  own  iniquity  and  the  iniquity  of  his 
forefathers.  /  Having  received  the  fief  of  Puiset  from 
i  his  uncle  Guy  (his  father,  most  arrogant  of  men,  had 
/  taken  arms  at  the  beginning  of  the  Crusade)/he  ceased 
not,  like  a  hateful  offspring,  to  imitate  his  father  in  all 
kinds  of  malice;  but  those  whom  his  father  had  torn 
with  whips,  he,  more  cruel  still,  destroyed  with  the 
stings  of  scorpions.  Exulting  at  having  escaped  punish- 
ment for  his  inhuman  cruelties  against  the  poor  of  the 
churches  and  monastaries,  he  advanced  to  that  point  in 
the  path  of  crime  where  those  who  follow  it  can  no 
longer  continue,  but  must  fall. 

Having  regard  neither  for  the  King  of  the  Nations 
nor  for  the  King  of  the  French,  he  attacked  the  very 
noble  Countess  of  Chartres  and  her  son  Thibaut,  who 
was  distinguished  as  well  for  his  beauty  as  for  his  mil- 
'  itary  valor,  ravaged  their  lands  as  far  as  Chartres,  pil- 
laging and  burning.  The  noble  Countess  and  her  son 
sought  revenge  as  best  they  could,  but  they  had  waited 
a  little  too  long,  and  had  not  sufficient  forces.  They 
could  scarcely  venture  nearer  than  eight  or  ten  miles 
of  Puiset.  Hugh's  audacity  and  arrogant  power  had 
reached  such  a  pitch,  that,  though  he  had  few  friends, 
he  had  many  supporters.  Many  hastened  to  his  de- 
fence who  secretly  longed  for  his  downfall.  He  was 
much  less  loved  than  feared. 

The  said  Count  Thibaut  soon  perceived  that  he  could 
accomplish  little  alone  against  his  enemy,  but  much 
with  the  aid  of  the  King.  Accordingly,  he  sought  him, 
with  his  noble  mother,  who  had  ever  shown  herself 
devoted  to  the  royal  house,  and  pressed  him  most  earn- 
estly for  aid,  reminding  him  that  Thibaut's  family 
merited  this  favor  by  its  numerous  services  to  the  royal 
house,  and  calling  to  his  memory  some  of  the  misdeeds 
of  Hugh,  of  Hugh's  father,  grandfather  and  ancestors. 
"  Recall,  my  lord  King,"  said  Thibaut,  "  how  ill  suited 
to  the  royal  dignity  was  the  affront  and  shame  in- 
flicted by  the  ancestor  of  Hugh  upon  your  father  Philip, 
who,  in  seeking  to  avenge  all  the  injuries  he  had  re- 
ceived, was  ignominiously  driven  out  of  Puiset,  his 
army  pursued  in  disorder  as  far  as  Orleans  by  a  factious 
coalition  of  Hugh's  relations  as  evil  as  Hugh  himself, 


FEUDALISM.  77 

how  the  Count  of  Nevers,  Lancelin  of  Beaugency  and 
nearly  one  hundred  knights  were  taken  prisoner,  and 
how  (unparalled  infamy! )  some  of  the  bishops  were 
even  thrown  into  a  vile  prison. "  Continuing  his  charge, 
Thibaut  explained  to  the  King  the  true  origin  of  this 
Castle  of  Puiset,  how  it  had  been  built  by  the  Queen 
Constance  in  the  heart  of  the  territory  of  St.  Denis  for 
its  protection,  how  afterwards  the  castle  had  been 
usurped,  leaving  only  to  the  King  these  outrages 
which  he  had  been  forced  to  endure.  He  added  that 
now  the  men  of  Chartres,  Blois  and  Chateaudun, 
whom  Hugh  was  in  the  habit  of  calling  to  his  aid,  were 
now  disposed  not  only  to  remain  neutral,  but  even 
to  turn  against  him,  so  that  it  would  be  easy  for  the 
King  to  destroy  the  castle  and  despoil  the  lord  of 
Puiset  if  he  chose,  thus  avenging  the  outrages  against 
Thibaut  and  his  own  father  Philip.  But  if  he  refused  to 
punish  the  outrages  which  not  only  he  himself  but  also 
those  who  had  merited  well  of  him  had  endured,  he 
must  at  least  look  upon  the  oppression  of  the  Churches 
as  his  own,  and  put  an  end  to  this  pillage  of  the  poor, 
this  molestation  of  widows  and  orphans,  and  all  the 
misdeeds  of  Hugh  against  the  lands  of  the  martyred 
saints  and  their  cultivators. 

The  King,  moved  by  these  and  other  exhortations, 
appointed  a  day  for  Thibaut  to  present  these  matters  to 
us,  and  we  assembled  at  Melun.  There  came  together 
many  archbishops,  bishops,  clerks  and  monks  who 
accused  Hugh,  this  ravishing  wolf  who  devoured  their 
lands,  and  throwing  themselves  at  the  feet  of  the  King 
(who  bad  them  rise),  prayed  him  to  punish  this  insa- 
tiable brigand,  to  snatch  from  the  mouth  of  this  dragon 
f.he  pretends  in  Beauce,  lands  rich  in  wheat,  which  the 
liberality  of  the  King  had  assigned  to  the  servants  of 
God,  to  free  the  estates  of  the  priests  from  the  yoke  of 
this  cruel  Pharaoh,  to  liberate  the  possessions  of  God, 
whose  vicar  he  was,  whose  image  he  bore.  The  King 
heard  their  complaints  with  an  overflowing  heart. 
The  prelates  of  the  Church,  the  Archbishop  of  Sens,  the 
Bishop  of  Orleans,  and  the  venerable  Yves  of  Chartres, 
whom  Puiset  had  imprisoned  and  in  spite  of  his  pro- 
tests  thrown  violently  in  to  a  dungeon,  these  all  returned 
lo  their  duties.  Then  on  the  favorable  advice  of  the 


78  EUROPEAN    HISTORY   STUDIES. 

abbot  Adam/  my  predecessor  of  happy  memory,  he 
sent  me  to  Toury  in  Beauce,  over  which  I  was  given 
command.  This  domain  of  the  blessed  Denis,  rich  and 
fertile  in  grain,  was  not  fortified  in  any  manner.  While 
the  King  cited  Hugh  to  appear  at  his  court  to  answer 
these  charges,  he  ordered  me  to  watch  over  the  city,  to 
furnish  it  with  as  large  a  garrison  as  possible  of  royal 
and  abbatial  troops,  and  to  prevent'Hugh  from  coming 
there  and  burning  the  country:  for  the  King  proposed 
to  gather  troops  here  and  there,  following  the  example 
of  his  father,  and  then  proceed  to  attack  the  castle. 
f  ~""ln  a  short  time  I  succeeded  through  divine  assistance 
\C  in  collecting  a  large  troop  of  men-at-arms  and'footmen. 
"Hugh  having  in  the  meanwhile  lost  his  case  by  default, 
the  king  joined  us  at  Toury  with  a  considerable  force 
and  summoned  the  rebel  to  surrender  the  castle  of 
which  he  had  been  deprived  by  royal  sentence.  He  re- 
fused. The  king  immediately  ordered  his  men-at-arms 
and  foqt  soldiers  forward  to  begin  the  assault  upon  the 
castle.  All  his  numerous  engines,  arrows,  swords  and 
shields,  in  a  word,  war  itself  was  hurled  against  the 
culprit.  It  would  have  caused  you  the  greatest  aston- 
ishment had  you  seen  the  shower  of  arrows  fall  upon  the 
two  armies,  striking  sparks  upon  the  glistening  helmets, 
piercing  and  shattering  the  shields  under  a  shower  of 
blows.  What  a  spectacle  would  this  have  offered  to  your 
astonished  gaze!  The  enemy  was  driven  at  the  very 
first  from  the  great  gate  leading  to  the  interior  of  the 
castle,  but  then  fought  our  men  from  the  tops  of  the 
ramparts,  raining  down  a  horrible  shower  of  missies, 
gcarcely  to  be  borne  by  the  most  daring,  throwing 
down  beams  and  logs,  until  we  were  well  nigh  brought 
to  a  standstill,  though  not  entirely  so.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  King's  knights  fought  valiantly  with  all  the 
vigor  of  body  and  soul.  When  their  shields  were 
broken  they  used  any  board,  plank  or  beam  they  could 
find  to  protect  themselves  and  to  force  the  gates.  Some 
of  our  carts  brought  a  large  quantity  of  dry  wood,  which 
we  mixed  wi  th  grease,  to  burn  out  this  den  of  wolves  (for 
they  were  all  excommunicated  and  true  sons  of  the 
devil!)  and  placed  against  the  gates  with  the  purpose  of 
kindling  a  fire  that  could  not  be  put  out,  and  at  the 
same  time  protecting  our  men  who  were  behind  the 


FEUDALISM. 


79 


piles  of  wood.  While  this  dangerous  straggle  was  going 
on,  one  side  trying  to  kindle  the  fire,  the  other  to  put  it 
out,  Count  Thibaut,  full  of  resentment  at  the  injuries 
he  had  endured,  attacked  the  castle  from  the  side 
which  looks  towards  Chartres.  A  large  number  of 
horse  and  footmen  went  with  him.  He  incited  his  men 
to  mount  the  steep  sides  of  the  moat,  but  soon  moaned 
at  the  sight  of  them  retiring  and  even  tumbling  back. 
He  had  intended  them  to  creep  softly,  keeping  close  to 
the  ground,  but  almost  immediately  he  saw  them  fall 
and  lie  prostrate  below.  He  tried  to  recognize  those 
who  had  been  killed  by  the  fall,  or  crushed  by  falling 
stones.  Then  some  knights  of  the  castle  on  fast  horses, 
who  were  making  a  tour  of  the  castle  for  its  defence, 
fell  upon  them  unawares,  killed  and  mutilated  them, 
and  threw  to  the  bottom  of  the  moat  those  whom  they 
had  wounded. 

Already  the  falling  arms  and  sinking  knees  foretold 
the  failure  of  the  assault,  when   the  strong  arm  and 
omnipotence  of  Almighty  God,  wishing  to   take  upon 
Himself  the  execution  of  so  great  and  just  a  vengeance- 
revived  the  courage  and  the  sturdy  faith  of  a  shaven 
priest  who  had  come  with  the  communicants  of  some  par- 
ishes of  the  French  country      He  made  possible  it  for 
him  to  do,  against  all  human  expectation,  what  the 
Count  and  his  men-at-arms  had  found  to  be  impossible. 
This  priest,  with  bare  head  and  with  no  protection  save 
a  frail  board,  mounted  rapidly  until  he  had  reached  the 
palisade.     Here  he  screened  himself  behind  some  trees 
which  hid  him  from  the  openings  in  the  castle  and  be- 
gan to  tear  down  the  palisade,  piece  by  piece.     De- 
lighted at  hig  easy  success,  he  signaled  to  the  King's 
men,  who  were  hesitating  below  and  doing  nothing,  to 
come  to  his  help.     At   sight  of  this  unarmed  priest 
bravely  destroying  the  palisade,  they  sprang  to  join 
him,  with  their  arms  in  their  hands,  and  with  their 
axes  and  weapons  of  iron,  broke  down  the  obstruction. 
It  was  as  though  it  were  the  walls  of  another  Jericho 
which  fell,  for  at  the  same  time  the  gates  were  at  last 
broken  down  and  the   King's  and  the   Count's  troops 
poured  into  the  enclosure.     A  large  number  of  the  1 
sieged   caught  between  two  fires,  were  quickly  taken 
and  delivered  over  to  punishment.     The  others,  among 


80  EUROPEAN   HISTORY  STUDIES. 

them  Hugh,  seeing  that  the  interior  wall  of  the  castle 
was  no  longer  a  sufficient  protection,  retired  to  the  high- 
est wooden  tower,  built  upon  the  mound.  But  terrified 
by  the  menacing  blows  of  his  pursuers,  he  soon  surren- 
dered. He  was  placed  in  irons  and  kept  prisoner  in  his 
own  house,  where  he  confessed  with  sorrow  what  ad- 
versities followed  in  the  train  of  pride.  After  the  vic- 
tory, the  King  led  away  his  noble  captives,  worthy  prey 
of  royal  majesty,  and  gave  orders  that  all  the  material  of 
the  castle,  with  its  treasures,  should  be  sold  at  auction 
and  that  the  castle  itself,  except  the  keep,  should  be 
burned.  (Suger. ) 

2.  SECOND  WAR  AGAINST  HUGH  OF   PUISET,  WHO  BE- 
SIEGES TOURY.       SUGER  SUCCEEDS  IN  ENTERING 

THE  TOWN,  1112 

At  so  great  a  distance,  I  had  no  other  means  of  know- 
ing whether  the  castle  still  held  out,  except  by  watch- 
ing constantlv  whether  its  three-storied  tower  still 
appeared  on  the  horizon,  because  our  enemy  would  cer- 
tainly burn  this  as  soon  as  they  got  possession.  I  could 
not  persuade  any  of  the  men  whom  I  had  gathered  to- 
gether to  follow  me  thither,  because  the  enemy  held  the 
-  entire  country  and  was  devastating  it  with  his  brigands. 
But  the  less  numerous  one's  party  is,  the  less  likely 
it  is  to  be  observed.  At  the  setting  of  the  sun,  when  our 
enemies,  who  had  been  waging  the  assault  all  day,  were 
forced  by  fatigue  to  relinquish  the  attack,  I  mingled  in 
their  ranks  as  one  of  them,  until  espying  a  favorable 
moment,  I  darted,  not  without  peril,  for  the  middle 
gate,  which  one  of  the  guardians  of  the  rampart  had 
happily  opened  at  a  sign  from  me.  In  this  manner, 
by  God's  aid,  I  succeeded  in  entering  the  castle.  (Suger. ) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Had  the  fiefs  become  hereditary  in  France  by  the 
twelfth  century?    2.  How  did  some  of  them  originate? 

3.  Do  you  find  anything  peculiar  in    the  arguments 
Thibaut  uses  before  the  King?    4.  Did  the  clergy  some- 
times hold  their  lands  on  feudal  tenure?    5.  Did  they 
sometimes  have  troops  at  their  command  ?    6.  Did  the 
clergy  take  part  freely  in  secular  affairs?  *  7.  Can  you 
explain  why  the  clergy  were  the  most  valuable  council- 
ors of  the  Kings  during  the  Middle  Ages?    8.  Did  they 
have  much  influence  over  Louis  the  Fat?    9.  Was  his 


FEUDALISM.  81 

confidence  in  them  justified?  10.  Were  they  jealous  of 
their  rights?  11.  Why  did  the  Medieval  Church  usu- 
ally, as  it  did  in  this  case,  support  the  Kings  against 
the  barons?  12.  Why  were  these  private  wars  so  op- 
pressive to  the  peasants?  13.  Since  the  King  appears 
as  the  protector  of  the  poor,  why  did  not  the  lower 
classes  elsewhere  rise  to  support  him?  14.  Did  the 
Church  urge  upon  the  King  the  duty  of  defending  the 
poor?  15.  How  did  the  writer  get  his  information  of 
these  events?  16.  Do  you  look  upon  this  as  an  impar- 
tial account  of  the  quarrel  between  Louis  the  Fat  and 
Hugh  of  Puiset?  17.  Does  the  writer  betray  a  clerical 
bias  throughout?  (Cite  passages.)  18.  What  traits  of 
character  does  he  admire  most  in  a  King? 

3.    HOW  A  FEUDAL  ARMY  WAS  ASSEMBLED 

When  a  baron  calls  upon  his  provosts  to  assemble  all 
his  vassals,  in  obedience  to  a  proclamation  from  the 
king,  the  prevots  should  conduct  his  vassals  to  him 
from  each  place  in  his  jurisdiction,  and  then  return  to 
_their  homes.  Women,  bakers,  millers  and  those  who 
have  the  care  of  ovens  and  mills  do  not  owe  any  ser- 
vices of  ban  or  arriere-ban.  If  any  one  who  has  been 
summoned  fails  to  come,  he  shall  be  fined  60  sous.  The 
prevot  of  the  baron  should  then  conduct  all  the  men 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  baron  to  the  court  of  the 
prevot  of  the  king,  and  then  return  home.  It  is  in  this 
manner  that  all  the  feudal  men  of  the  castle  owe  the 
barons  service  of  arriere-ban,  and  the  prevots  of  the 
vavasseur  bring  them  to  the  castle  of  the  baron  at  his^ 
first  summons.  The  baron  must  not  summon  them  to 
a  place  so  distant  that  they  could  not  return  the  same 
day.  If  he  does  so,  they  may  refuse  to  accompany  him, 
without  fear  of  punishment.  The  baron  and  all  the 
vassals  of  the  king  must  appear  before  him  when  sum- 
moned, and  serve  him  at  their  own  expense  for  the 
space  of  sixty  days  and  sixty  nights,  with  the  knights 
whose  duty  it  is  to  accompany  them,  and  the  king  may 
demand  these  services  whenever  he  pleases  and  so  often 
as  he  has  need  of  them.  If  the  king  wants  to  keep 
them  more  than  sixty  days  at  their  cost  and  expense, 
they  are  free  to  remain  or  not,  but  if  he  wishes  to  keep 
them  at  his  expense  and  for  the  defense  of  the  kingdom, 
then  they  must  remain;  nevertheless,  if  the  king  wishes 
to  conduct  them  out  of  the  kingdom,  they  may  refuse 
since  they  have  already  served  sixty  days  and  sixty 


82  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

nights.  No  women  owes  service  of  ban  and  arriere- 
ban,  except  the  queen,  bnt  must  send  as  many 
kni. tlits  as  go  with  the  land,  and  the  king  must  not 
molest  hen.  If  the  servants  of  the  king,  in  their  cir- 
cuits, find  in  th«  castles  some  feudal  men  who  did  not 
come  when  summoned  and  who  are  not  exempt  from 
service,  they  shall  be  fined  60  sous,  and  the  barons  shall 
be  allowed  to  indemnify  them.  The  feudal  men 
remain  in  the  service  of  the  king  forty  days  and  forty 
nights  and  if  any  return  home  before  this  period  they 
shall  be  fined  sixty  sous.  (Etablissements,  L,  61.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Did  the  king  summon  his  warriors  directly?  2. 
What  limitations  were  placed  upon  the  amount  of  mil- 
itary service  the  king  could  command?  3.  Who  bore 
the  expense  of  maintaining  a  feudal  army  ?  4.  Describe 
the  method  by  which  a  feudal  host  was  assembled.  5. 
At  what  time  and  in  what  place  were  these  rules  in 
force?  744U+C/  ,'  (  0o 

4.    THE  GERMAN  INVASION  OF  1124— A  FEUDAL  ARRAY 

The  Emperor  Henry  had  an  old  grudge  against  the 
lord  King  Louis,  for  the  Pope  Calixtus  had  held  the 
Council  which  had  anathematized  the  Emperer  in  the 
kingdom  of  France,  at  Reims.  So  the  Emperor  col- 
lected as  large  an  army  as  he  needed,  of  Lorranians, 
Germans,  Swabians,  Bavarians  and  Saxons,  although 
many  of  these  people  were  his  enemies,  and,  following 
the  counsel  of  Henry,  King  of  England,  whose  daugh- 
ter he  had  married,  and  who  was  also  at  war  with  our 
King,  he  feigned  an  attack  in  another  quarter:  for  he 
intended  to  throw  himself  suddenly  on  the  city  of 
Reims,  and  either  destroy  it  a  blow,  or  besiege  it  and 
do  it  as  much  injury  as  he  could  for  a  space  of  time 
equal  to  that  in  which  it  had  shown  hospitality  to  the 
lord  Pope  during  the  Council.  When  the  servants  of 
the  lord  King  Louis  brought  him  news  of  these  prep- 
arations, he  boldly  collected  and  improvised  an  army 
in  all  haste,  and  summoned  his  nobles  to  explain  to 
them  the  cause  of  these  measures.  As  he  knew  so  well} 
not  only  from  having  so  often  heard  it,  but  also  from  his 
own  experience,  that  the  blessed  Denis  was  the  special 
patron  and  protector  of  Che  kingdom  after  God,  he  was 


FEUDALISM.  83 

anxious  to  visit  the  Saint,  to  beseech  him  from  the 
bottom  of  his  heart  and  to  move  him  by  prayers  and 
gifts  to  defend  the  country,  to  save  the  royal  person, 
and  to  drive  back,  as  he  was  wont  to  do,  th"e  enemies 
of  France,  The  French  had  received  from  the  Saint 
the  privilege  in  case  of  invasion  of  taking  his  relics 
and  those  of  his  companions  down  from  the  alter. 
The  King  wanted  this  ceremony  to  take  place  in  his 
presence,  with  equal  pomp  and  devoutness.  Placing 
on  the  alter  the  banner  of  the  county  of  Vexin,  for 
which  he  owed  homage  to  the  abbey,  he  received  it  ac- 
cording to  his  vows  from  the  hands  of  the  Saint 
himself,  as  from  his  own  suzerain.  He  wished  with  the 
handful  of  men  to  encounter  his  enemies,  in  order  to 
parry  the  danger  which  menaced  him,  and  he  sum- 
moned earnestly  all  of  France  to  follow  him. 

The  habitual  courage  of  the  French  rose  in  indigna- 
tion at  the  unheard  of  insolence  of  these  strangers. 
From  all  parts  of  France  the  elite  of  the  soldiers  came 
together.  From  every  part  they  sent  their  forces  and  its 
valiant  knights,  who  had  not  forgotten  the  ancient  valor 
and  the  victories  of  their  ancestors.  When  this  numer- 
ous army  had  assembled  at  Reims  from  all  parts  of  the 
country,  there  were  so  many  men-at-arms  and  foot  sol- 
diers that  they  seemed  to  hide  the  earth  like  a  cloud  of 
locusts,  covering  not  merely  the  banks  of  the  rivers, 
but  also  the  mountains  and  the  plains.  Here  the  King 
awaited  the  arrival  of  the  Germans  for  an  entire  week. 
During  this  time  the  grandees  of  the  kingdom  pre- 
pared for  the  battle  and  deliberated  thus  among  them- 
selves: "  Let  us  march  boldly  on  them  that  they  may 
not  return  with  impunity  to  their  own  country,  that 
they  may  be  punished  for  the  presumption  with  which 
they  have  attacked  France,  the  sovereign  of  the  world. 
Let  us  punish  their  arrogance  as  it  deserves  not  in 
our  country,  but  in  their  own,  which  by  the  royal  right 
of  the  French  has  so  often  submitted  to  France.  In 
this  manner  let  us  begin  openly  the  attack  on  them 
which  they  secretly  planned  against  us. "  But  others 
more  sober  and  experienced  counseled  waiting  until 
our  enemies  had  penetrated  the  interior  of  the  march, 
when  they  could  be  surprised  without  knowing  whither 
to  flee.  Then  we  could  attack  them  and  throw  them 


84:  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

into  confusion,  and  butcher  them  without  pity  like 
Saracens,  and  leave  the  bodies  of  these  barbarians  un- 
buried,  to  their  eternal  shame,  the  prey  of  wolves  and 
of  vultures.  If  we  awaited  the  attack  in  this  manner, 
this  massacre  of  so  many  men  and  the  use  of  such  se- 
verity would  be  justified  by  the  necessity  of  legitimate 
defence. 

In  the  meantime  the  grandees  of  the  kingdom  pre- 
pared the  order  of  battle,  in  the  palace,  in  the  presence 
of  the  King  himself,  and  decided  what  troops  should 
act  together.  The  first  corps  was  composed  of  the  men 
of  Reims  and  of  Chalons^  whose  number  exceeded  six- 
teen thousand,  as  many  knights  as  footmen,  and  the 
second  was  composed  of  those  of  Laon  and  of  Soissons, 
equally  numerous;  the  third  were  the  men  of  Orleans, 
of  Etampes  and  of  Paris.  This  numerous  array  was 
entirely  under  the  King  and  the  blessed  Denis.  The 
King  trusting  that  his  Protector  would  watch  over 
him,  intended  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  his 
troops.  "  I  will  fight  with  equal  courage  and  security, " 
said  he,  "because  without  counting  the  protection  of 
our  lords  the  saints,  those  of  my  compatriots  among 
whom  I  have  been  reared  from  my  infancy  will  second 
me  so  long  as  I  live,  and  will  bear  my  body  hence  if  I 
fall. "  The  fourth  corps  was  formed  by  the  command 
under  the  Count  Pallatine  Thibaut,  with  his  uncle 
Hugh,  the  noble  Count  of  Troyes.  He  had  come  at  the 
summons  of  France,  although  at  the  time  he  was  wag- 
ing war  against  the  King,  in  alliance  with  his  other 
uncle,  the  King  of  England.  In  the  fifth  corps  were 
placed  the  Dukes  of  Bourgogne,  and  the  Count  of  Ne- 
vers.  The  valiant  Count  of  Vermandois,  Raoul,  a  near 
relative  of  the  King,  led  the  militia  armed  with  cuir- 
asses furnished  by  St.Quentin. 

The  left  wing  was  composed  of  men  of  Ponthieu,  of 
Amienois,  and  of  Beuvaisis.  The  noble  Count  of 
Flanders  with  ten  thousand  trained  soldiers  (he  could 
have  brought  three  times  as  many  if  he  had  known  in 
time)  was  placed  as  rear  guard.  Near  them,  William, 
Duke  of  Aquitaine,  the  valiant  Count  of  Brittany,  the 
warlike  Count  of  Anjou,  Foulques,  who  could  only 
rival  each  other  in  zeal,  since  the  length  of  the  road 
they  had  to  travel  and  the  suddenness  of  the  summons 


FEUDALISM.  85 

had  not  permitted  their  bringing  any  considerable  force 
to  help  punish  the  injury  done  to  the  French.  It  was 
decided  further  that  wherever  the  armies  should  come 
to  battle,  carts  and  wagons  filled  with  water  and  wine 
for  the  wounded  and  the  fatigued  should  be  formed  in 
circles  as  a  sort  of  castle,  if  the  ground  permitted,  so 
that  those  whose  wounds  forced  them  to  retire  from 
the  field  might  retire  here  and  refresh  themselves  and 
dress  their  wounds,  and  thus  revive  strength  to  conquer 
anew  the  palm  of  victory.  The  noise  of  these  extensive 
preparations  and  the  collection  of  such  a  large  and  val- 
iant army,  could  not  fail  to  spread.  It  came  like  a  — 
thunder-bolt  even  to  the  ears  of  the  Emperor,  who 
feigned  and  pretended,  I  know  not  what  pretext  to  hide 
the  shame  of  his  flight;  for  he  took  another  direction, 
and  submitted  rather  to  disgrace  and  retreat  than  to  * 
expose  his  empire  and  his  person  to  the  terrible  ven- 
geance of  the  French.  When  these  heard  of  his  flight,  it 
required  the  prayers  of  the  archbishops,  the  bishops 
and  the  clergy  to  prevent  then"-  from  devasting  the 
kingdom  of  the  enemy  and  from  oppressing  the  poor  of 
the  neighboring  country.  (Suger.) 

QUESTIONS 

t\ 

1.  Were  not  the  French  in  this  episode  rather  more1 
valiant  in  words  than  in  deeds?    2.  Did  the  King  coin-  "^ 
mand  the  entire  French  army  when  it  assembled?    Did 
anyone?    3.  What  troops  did  the  King  command?    4. 
Was  there  a  feeling  of  nationality  among  the  French  ^  c 
at  this  time?    5.  Did  the  French  seem  to  detest  the   • 
Germans  more  than  they  did  the  English? 

5.    FEALTY  AND    HOMAGE 

Whoever  owes  fealty  and  homage  shall  have  fifteen 
days  in  which  to  offer  them  to  his  lord,  and  if  he  does 
not  do  this  within  a  fortnight,  the  lord  may  and  should 
seize  his  fief  and  lay  hands  upon  whatever  'he  finds 
there,  and  the  vassal  shall  none  the  less  be  compelled 
to  pay  the  purchase  money.  If  a  vassal  desires  to  offer 
fealty  and  homage  to  his  lord,  he  shall  demand  of  him 
thus,  and  say,—"  Sir,  I  demand  of  you,  as  of  my  lord, 
to  receive  me  into  your  fealty  and  homage,  for  such 
and  such  property,  which  I  have  bought  in  your  fief. 
He  then  names  the  person  from  whom  he  receives  it, 
and  such  person  ought  to  be  present  if  it  is  by  pur- 


86  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

chase;  but  if  the  fief  comes  by  succession  or  inheritance, 
he  explains  this,  and  places  his  hands  in  those  of  his 
Lord, and  continuing  thus:  ' '  Sir,  I  become  your  man  and 
promise  to  serve  you  henceforth  as  my  lord,  against  all 
men,  in  such  services  as  the  fief  demands,  paying  to  you 
the  purchase  money  as  lord. "  The  lord  replies:  ' '  And  on 
my  part,  I  receive  you  and  accept  you  as  my  man,  I  give 
you  this  kiss  in  sign  of  my  fealty,  saving  my  right  and 
those  of  others,"  according  to  the  custom  of  the  differ- 
ent countries.  *  *.*  (Establissements  II.,  18.) 

QUESTION 

1.  What  are  fealty  and  homage? 

6.    SOME   FEUDAL  PRIVILEGES 

Any  lord  exercising  justice  in  his  territory  may 
oblige  all  the  inhabitants  of  his  territory  to  grind  their 
grain  in  his  mill.  If  any  one  refuses,  the  lord  shall 
summon  him  to  appear  and  shall  forbid  him  to  have 
his  grain  ground  elsewhere.  If,  in  spite  of  this  prohi- 
bition, he  is  found  going  to  another  mill,  the  grain 
which  he  carries  shall  be  confiscated  as  a  fine  for  the 
benefit  of  the  lord.  If  ic  happens  that  the  miller  is 
guilty  of  deception  towards  any  one  who  brings  his 
grain  to  be  ground,  the  injured  one  complains  to 
the  lord  and  says  to  him,  "  Sir,  your  miller  has  de- 
frauded me,  I  demand  that  you  require  him  to  make 
good  my  loss."  The  lord  shall  come  to  the  miller  and  say 
to  him,  "  Such  a  one  complains  of  you  and  claims  that 
you  have  defrauded  him  of  his  grain."  If  the  miller 
denies  it,  and  the  plaintiff  offers  to  prove  his  case,  his 
loss  shall  be  made  good.  If  the  loss  is  more  than 
twelve  deniers,  he  shall  take  oath  concerning  the  mat- 
ter but  if  the  loss  is  less,  his  word  shall  suffice.  Thus 
the  miller  is  not  permitted  to  defend  himself  when  the 
complaint  concerns  fraud  done  in  his  mill,  and  be  who 
makes  the  complaint  ought  to  swear  or  give  his  word 
as  to  the  extent  of  the  damage  suffered.  In  this  man- 
ner all  damage  done  to  those  who  grind  their  grain  in 
the  lord's  mill  should  be  made  good.  If  the  lord  re- 
fuses to  do  justice  to  those  who  make  complaint,  they 
shall  be  free  to  have  their  grain  ground  elsewhere,  until 
the  miller  has  been  punished,  and  the  lord  shall  have 
no  right  to  interfere  with  them  (Etablissements  I., 
107.) 


FEUDALISM.  87 

No  vavasseur  who  is  not  lord  of  a  castle  or  of  a  part 
of  a  castle  may  have  an  oven  or  force  his  subjects  to 
bake  in  it ;  but  if  he  has  a  castle  or  a  part  of  a  castle,  he 
may  keep  an  oven,  and  if  he  exercises  justice  in  his 
lands,  he  may  compel  his  subjects  to  bake  in  it.  If  any 
one  bakes  in  another  oven,  the  lord  may  seize  the  bread 
and  keep  it  as  a  fimP  If  the  baker  injures  or  defrauds 
anyone,  the  lord  shall  compel  him  to  make  the  injury 
good,  and  his  subjects  shall  not  be  compelled  to  bake  in 
his  oven  until  the  injury  has  been  made  good.  (Etab- 
lissements  I.,  110.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Can  you  suggest  a  reason  why  mills  and  ovens 
were  made  monopolies  at  this  time?  2.  Why  was  a  mil 
ler  not  allowed  to  defend  himself?  3.  How  long  did 
these  monopolies  last  in  France?  4.  Was  their  long 
continuance  justifiable?  5.  In  later  times,  could  the 
peasants  go  to  another  mill  or  bakery  if  they  had  been 
defrauded? 

7.     REVOLT  OP  THE  NORMAN  PEASANTS,  997 

Although  Richard,  the  young  duke  of  Normandy, 
abounded  in  virtue  and  uprightness,  there  arose  pesti- 
lential disorders  in  his  territories,  for  the  peasants  had 
•;ome  together  in  the  several  counties  of  the  Norman 
country  and  resolved  unanimously  to  follow  henceforth 
no  law  but  their  own  lusts.  They  declared  they  should 
QO  longer  obey  the -established  laws,  which  forbad  them 
the  free  use  of  the  forests  and  the  right  to  fish  in  the 
streams,  but  that  they  should  govern  themselves  ac 
cording  to  laws  of  their  own.  Each  band  of  these  mad 
people  elected  two  envoys  to  a  general  assembly  to 
meet  in  the  heart  of  the  country  and  draw  up  these 
laws.  When  the  Duke  heard  of  these  things,  he  im- 
mediately sent  Count  Rudolf  against  them  with  a  large 
number  of  soldiers  to  break  up  their  assembly  and  to 
quell  their  rustic  ferocity.  The  Count  obeyed  without 
delay,  and  seized  all  the  delegates  and  many  others, 
and  ordered  their  'hands  and  their  feet  to  be  cut  off 
and  sent  them  back  to  their  masters  in  this  condition,  in 
order  to  discourage  such  actions  in  the  future  and  to 
teach  them  wisdom  by  experience,  lest  a  worse  fate 
o'ertake  them.  The  peasants,  profiting  by  this  expe- 


88  EUROPEAN   HISTORY    STUDIES. 

rience,  immediately  abandoned  their  assembly  and  re- 
turned to  their  fields.     (Guillaume  de  Jumiege.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Is  this  an  unbiased  account  of   the  revolt?    2. 
Was  the  uprising  a  mere  blind  war  of  revenge,  or  had 
the  peasants  a  definite  program  (£  reform?    3.  So  far 
as  you  can  judge  by  the  meagre  account,  were  the 
peasants'  demands  feasible?     4.  Were  they  reasona- 
ble?   5.  Can  you  suggest  a  reason  why  all  peasant  re- 
volts of  the  time  must  fail? 

GENERAL  QUESTIONS 

1    Make  a  list  of  the  limitations  upon  the  royal 
power  as  shown  in  these  extracts. 

2.  What  was  the  position  of  the  clergy  in  the  feudal 
State? 

.3.  What  was  the  condition  of  the  peasantry  under 
the  feudal  system? 

4.  Describe  some  of  the  methods  employed  in  taking 
and  in  defending  a  medieval  castle. 

GUERNSEY  JONES. 


European  History  Studies 

F.  M.  FLING,  Pii.D.,  EDITOR. 
Vol.  II.  i\o.  6.  FEBRUARY,  1899 

CIVILIZATION  DURING  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


MONASTICISM. 


SELECTIONS  MADE 


GUERNSEY  JONES,  PH.D., 

UNIVERSITY  OF  NEBRASKA 


J.  H.  MILLER,  Publisher, 

LINCOLN,   NEBRASKA 


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U.  S.  A. 


EUROPEAN  HISTORY  STUDIES. 

CIVILIZATION    DURING   THE    MIDDLE 
AGES. 

The  Monastic   Orders 

Henderson,  Ernest  F.,  Select  Documents  of  the  Mid- 
dle Ages.  London.  1892. 

Zelier,  B.  et  Bayet,  C.,  Les  derniers  Carolingiens. 
Paris,  1884.  Zelier,  B.  et  Lnchaire,  A.,  Philippe- Aug- 
nste  et  Louis  VIII,  la  royaute"  eonque'rante.  Paris,  1884. 
In  the  series,  1'histoire  de  France  racontee*  par  lea 
contemporains. 

THE    first   two    selections  given    in    this 
pamphlet  are  from  the  cartulary  of  the 
Monastery  of   Cluny,  edited  according 
to   the   original  documents   by  M.   Bruel.      I 
have  used  Mr.  Henderson's  translation  of  the 
Foundation  Charter  and  have  turned  into  Eng- 
lish MM.  Zelier  and  Bayet's    French  transla- 
tion of  the  Donation  of  Lands  (935). 

While  Monasticism  originated  in  the  East,  it 
was  in  the  West  that  it  was  reduced  to  a  system 
and  became  an  institution.  Benedict  of  Mursia 
(died  in  543)  may  be  considered  as  the  father  of 
western  Monasticism.  The  Rule  which  he 
drew  up  for  his  own  monastery  was  generally 
taken  as  a  model  by  the  western  World,  until 
St.  Francis  and  St.  Dominio,  in  the  late  Middle 
Ages,  organized  their  Order  on  an  entirely  dif- 
ferent plan.  Of  course  the  student  will  readily 
see  that  these  Rules  represent  the  ideal  of  Mo- 
nasticism, what  the  founders  of  the  Orders  had 
in  mind.  In  how  far  the  Rules  were  observed 
is  a  different  matter,  and  there  were  great  dif- 
ferences in  this  regard  according  to  time  and 
locality. 


MONASTICISM.  91 

St.  Francis  made  several  attempts  to  provide 
a  Rule  for  his  Order.  The  first  Rule  (1210)  has 
been  lost.  The  second  (1221)  is  not  properly 
a  Rule  but  "a  series  of  impassioned  appeals  . 
.  .  a  medley  of  outbursts  of  joy  and  bitter 
sobs,  of  hopes  and  regrets."  St.  Francis  had 
not  the  legal  turn  of  mind  necessary  to  the 
task.  Sabatier  therefore  sees  in  the  third  Rule, 
which  is  given  here  in  Henderson's  translation, 
the  influence  of  other  minds.  It  is  not  purely 
Franciscan,  but  bears  throughout  evidences  of 
the  controlling  and  directing  influence  of  the 
Church.  It  received  the  papal  sanction  on  the 
20th  of  November,  1223,  and  became  the  offi- 
cial Rule  of  the  Order. 

Jacques  de  Vitry  "was  born  at  Vitry-sur- 
Seine,  became  Cure  of  Argenteuil,  near  Paris; 
Canon  of  Oignies,  in  the  diocese  of  Namur, 
preached  the  crusade  against  the  Albigenses, 
and  accompanied  the  Crusaders  to  Palestine; 
having  been  made  Bishop  of  Acre,  he  was  pres- 
ent in  1219  at  the  siege  and  at  the  capture  of 
Damietta  and  returned  to  Europe  in  1225; 
created  Cardinal-bishop  of  Frascati  in  1229,  he 
died  in  1244,  leaving  a  number  of  writings." 
The  short  account  of  the  Dominicans  which  fol- 
lows is  from  his  Historia  Occidentalis.  He 
was  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  the  Mendicant 
Orders. 

1.  DONATION  OF  LANDS  TO  A  MONASTERY. 

a.  The  Foundation  Charter  of  the  Order  of  Gluny,  Sep- 
tember 11,  910  A.D. 

To  all  right  thinkers  it  is  clear  that  the  providence 
of  God  has  so  provided  for  certain  rich  men  that,  by 
means  of  their  transitory  possessions,  if  they  use  them 
well,  they  may  be  able  to  merit  everlasting  rewards.  . 
.  .  I,  William,  count  and  duke  by  the  grace  of  God, 


92  EUROPEAN    HISTORY   STUDIES. 

diligently  pondering  this,  and  desiring  to  provide  for 
my  own  safety  while  I  am  still  able,  have  considered  it 
advisable— nay,  most  necessary,  that  from  the  temporal 
goods  which  have  been  conferred  upon  me  I  should 
give  some  little  portion  for  the  gain  of  my  soul.  .  . 
.  And  this  is  my  trust,  this  my  hope,  indeed,  that  al- 
though 1  myself  am  unable  to  despise  all  things,  never- 
theless, by  receiving  despisers  of  the  world,  whom  I 
believe  to  be  righteous,  I  may  receive  the  reward  of 
the  righteous.  Therefore  be  it  known  to  all  who  live 
in  the  unity  of  faith  and  who  await  the  mercy  of 
Christ,  and  to  those  who  shall  succeed  them  and  who 
shall  continue  to  exist  until  the  end  of  the  world,  that, 
for  the  love  of  God  and  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  I 
hand  over  from  my  own  rule  to  the  holy  apostles,  Peter, 
namely,  and  Paul,  the  possessions  over  which  I  hold 
sway,  the  town  of  Cluny,  namely,  with  the  court  and 
demesne  manor,  and  the  church  in  honor  of  St.  Mary 
the  mother  of  God  and  of  St.  Peter  the  prince  of  the 
apostles,  together  with  all  the  things  pertaining  to  it,  the 
vills,  indeed,  the  chapels,  the  serfs  of  both  sexes,  the 
vines,  the  fields,  the  meadows,  the  woods,  the  waters' and 
their  outlets,  the  mills,  the  incomes  and  revenues,  what 
is  cultivated  and  what  is  not,  all  in  their  entirety. 
Which  things  are  situated  in  or  about  the  country  of 
Macon,  each  one  surrounded  by  its  own  bounds.  I  give  t 
moreover,  all  these  things  to  the  aforesaid  apostles— I, 
William,  and  my  wife  In gelberga— first  for  the  love  of 
God ;  then  for  the  soul  of  my  lord  king  Odo,  of  my 
father  and  my  mother;  for  myself  and  my  wife — for  the 
salvation,  namely,  of  our  souls  and  bodies; — and  not 
least  for  that  of  Ava  who  left  me  these  things  in  her  will; 
for  the  souls  also  of  our  brothers  and  sisters  and  neph- 
ews, and  of  all  our  relatives  of  both  sexes;  for  our  faith- 
ful ones  who  adhere  to  our  service;  for  the  advancement, 
also,  and  integrity  of  the  catholic  religion.  Finally, 
since  all  of  us  Christians  are  held  together  by  one  bond 
of  love  and  faith,  let  this  donation  be  for  all, — for  the 
orthodox,  namely,  of  past,  present  or  future  times.  I 
give  these  things,  moreover,  with  this  understanding, 
that  in  Cluny  a  regular  monastery  shall  be  constructed 
in  honor  of  the  holy  apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  and  that 
there  the  monks  shall  congregate  and  live  according  to 


MONASTICISM.  93 

the  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  and  that  they  shall  possess, 
hold,  have  and  order  these  same  things  unto  all  time. 
In  such  wise,  however,  that  the  venerable  house  of 
prayer  which  is  there  shall  be  faithfully  frequented 
with  vows  and  supplications,  and  that  celestial  con- 
verse shall  be  sought  and  striven  after  with  all  desire 
and  with  the  deepest  ardor,  and  also  that  there  shall 
be  sedulously  directed  to  God  prayers,  beseechings  and 
exhortations  as  well  for  me  as  for  all,  according  to  the 
order  in  which  mention  has  been  made  of  them  above. 
And  let  the  monks  themselves,  together  with  all  the 
aforesaid  possessions,  be  under  the  power  and  domin- 
ion of  the  abbot  Berno,  who,  as  long  as  he  shall  liver 
shall  preside  over  them  regularly  according  to  his 
knowledge  and  ability.  But  after  his  death,  those 
same  monks  shall  have  power  and  permission  to  elect 
any  one  of  their  order  whom  they  please  as  abbot  and 
rector,  following  the  will  of  God  and  the  rule  promul- 
gated by  St.  Benedict,— in  such  wise  that  neither  by 
the  intervention  of  our  own  or  of  any  other  power  may 
they  be  impeded  from  making  a  purely  canonical  elec- 
tion. Every  five  years,  moreover,  the  aforesaid  monks 
shall  pay  to  the  church  of  the  apostles  at  Rome  ten 
shillings  to  supply  them  with  lights;  and  they  shall 
have  the  protection  of  those  same  apostles  and  the  de- 
fence of  the  Roman  pontiff;  and  those  monks  may, 
with  their  whole  heart  and  soul,  according  to  their  abil- 
ity and  knowledge,  build  up  the  aforesaid  place.  We 
will,  further,  that  in  our  times  and  in  those  of  onr  suc- 
cessors, according  as  the  opportunities  and  possibilities 
of  that  place  shall  allow,  there  shall  daily,  with  the 
greatest  zeal  be  performed  there  works  of  mercy 
towards  the  poor,  the  needy,  strangers  and  pilgrims. 
It  has  pleased  us  also  to  insert  in  this  document  that, 
from  this  day,  those  same  monks  there  congregated 
shall  be  subject  neither  to  our  yoke,  nor  to  that  of  our 
relatives,  nor  to  the  sway  of  the  royal  might,  nor  to 
that  of  any  earthly  power.  And,  through  God  and  all 
his  saints,  and  by  the  awful  day  of  judgment,  I  warn 
and  adjure  that  no  one  of  the  secular  princes,  no  count, 
no  bishop  whatever,  not  the  pontiff  of  the  aforesaid 
Roman  see,  shall  invade  the  property  of  these  servants 
of  God,  or  alienate  it,  or  diminish  it,  or  exchange  it, 


94  EUROPEAN    HISTORY   STUDIES. 

or  give  it  as  a  benefice  tc  anyone, or  constitute  any  pre- 
late over  them  against  their  will.     [Here  follow  threats 
of  divine  vengeance  upon  anyone  who  should  violate 
these  immunities.] 
b.  Donation  of  Lands  and  Serfs  to  the  Order  of  Glunyt 

9S5  A.D. 

It  is  known  to  all  the  wise  that  -God  permits  His 
faithful  to  redeem  their  sins  and  to  merit  eternal  re- 
wards through  the  bestowal  of  their  temporal  goods. 
Therefore  I,  Antigius,  for  the  salvation  of  my  soul,  and 
those  of  my  relations,  living  or  dead,  and  especially 
those  of  my  father  and  mother,  and  lastly,  those  of  all 
the  catholic  faithful,  give  and  make  over  to  the  mon- 
astery of  Cluny,  the  properties  which  belong  to  me, 
to-wit,  one  courtil  with  the  neighboring  vineyard,  and 
the  serfs  Gerard,  his  wife  and  children  and  Vuelmar, 
his  wife  and  daughter;  also,  another  courtil  with  the 
vineyard  which  belongs  to  it.  These  properties  are 
situated  in  the  country  of  Macon,  in  the  domain  of 
Varingo,  at  the  place  called  Breia.  I  give  still  a  third 
courtil  situated  in  the  same  place  on  the  condition  that 
I  shall  have  the  enjoyment  use  of  it  during  my  life,  on 
paying  the  annually  quit  rent  of  four  setiers  of  wine; 
after  my  death,  these  properties  shall  revert  to  the 
monastery,  and  no  one  may  oppose  its  possession.  .  . 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  was  the  motive  of  these  donations?  2.  Was 
the  new  foundation  subject  to  the  control  of  either  the 
local  bishop  or  the  pope  of  Rome?  3.  What  do  you 
suppose  the  significance  was  of  the  annual  payment  of 
ten  shillings  to  the  Church  of  the  Apostles  at  Rome? 
4.  Were  serfs  looked  upon  as  property  ? 

—      2.    THE  RULE  OF  ST.  BENEDICT  - 

Prologue.  .  .  we  are  about  to  found,  therefore, 
a  school  for  the  Lord's  service;  in  the  organization  ot 
which  we  trust  that  we  shall  ordain  nothing  severe 
and  nothing  burdensome.  But  even  if,  the  demands 
of  justice  dictating  it,  something  a  little  irksome  shall 
be  the  result,  for  the  purpose  of  amending  vices  or 
preserving  charity; — thon  shalt  not  therefore,  struck 
by  fear,  flee  the  way  of  salvation,  which  cannot  be 
entered  upon  except  through  a  narrow  entrance.  .  . 


MONASTICISM.  95 

2.  What  the  Allot  should  le  like.    ...    He  [the 
abbot]  shall   make  no  distinction  of  persons  in  the 
monastery.     One  shall  not   be  more  cherished   th»n 
another,   unless   it    be   the  one  whom   he   finds  ex- 
celling in  good  works  or  in  obedience.      A  free-born 
man  shall  not  be  preferred  to  one  coming  from  serv- 
itude, unless  there  be  some  other  reasonable  cause. 
But  if,  justice  demanding  that  it  should  be  thus,  it 
seems  good  to  the  abbot,  he  shall  do  this  no  matter 
what  the  rank  shall  be.     But  otherwise  they  shall  keep 
their  own  places;  for  whether  we  be  bond  or  free  we 
are  all  one  in  Christ;  and,  under  one  God,  we  perform 
an  equal  service  of  subjection;  for  God  is  no  respecter 
of  persons.     .     .     . 

3.  About  calling  in  the  brethren  to  take  council.     As 
often  as  anything  especial  is  to  be  done  in  the  monas- 
tery, the  abbot  shall  call  together  the  whole  congrega- 
tion, and  shall  himself  explain  the  question  at  issue. 
And,  having  heard  the  advice  of  the  brethren,  he  shal'j 
think  it  over  by  himself,  and  shall  do  what  he  considers 
most  advantageous.     And    for  this  reason,  moreover, 
we  have  said  that  all  ought  to  be  called  to  take  counsel: 
because  often  it  is  to  a  younger  person  that  God  reveals 
what  is  best.     The  brethren,  moreover,  with  all  sub- 
jection of  humility,  ought  so  to  give  their  advice,  that 
they  do  not  presume  boldly  to  defend  what  seems  good 
to  them,  but  it  should  rather  depend  on  the  judgment 
of  the  abbot;  so  that  whatever  he  decides  to  be  the 
more  salutary,  they  should  all  agree  to  it.     But  even  as 
it  behoves  the  disciples  to  obey  the  master,  so  it  is  fit- 
ting that  he  should  providently  and  justly  arrange  all 
matters.     In  all  things,  indeed,  let  all  follow  the  Rule 
as  their  guide;  and  let  no  one  rashly  deviate  from  it. 
Let  no  one  in  the  monastery  follow  the  inclination  of 
his  own  heart;  and  let  no  one  boldly  presume  to  dispute 
with  his  abbot,  within  or  without  the  monastery.     But, 
if  he  should  so  presume,  let  him  be  subject  to  the  dis- 
cipline of  the  Rule.     The  abbot,  on  the  other  hand,  shall 
do  all  things  fearing  the  Lord  and  observing  the  Rule; 
knowing  that  he,  without  a  doubt,  shall  have  to  render 
account  to  God  as  to  a  most  impartial  judge,  for  all  his 
decisions.    But  if  any  lesser  matters  for  the  good  of  the 
monastery  are  to  be  decided  upon,  he  shall  employ  the 


EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

counsel  of  the  elder  members  alone,  since  it  is  written: 
"Do  all  things  with  counsel,  and  after  it  is  done  thou 
wilt  not  repent. " 

33.  Whether  the  monks  should  have  anything  of  their 
own.  More  than  any  thing  else  is  this  special  vice  to 
be  cnt  off  root  and  branch  from  the  monastery,  that 
one  should  presume  to  give  or  receive  anything  with- 
out the  order  of  the  abbot,  or  should  have  anything  of 
his  own.  He  should  have  absolutely  not  anything: 
neither  a  book,  nor  tablets,  nor  a  pen— nothing  at  all.— 
For  indeed  it  is  not  allowed  to  the  rtionks  to  have  their 
own  bodies  or  wills  in  their  own  power.  But  all  things 
necessary  they  must  expect  from  the  Father  of  the  mon- 
astery; nor  is  it  allowable  to  have  anything  which  the 
abbot  did  not  give  or  permit.  All  things  shall  be  common 
to  all,  as  it  is  written:  "Let  not  any  man  presume  or 
call  anything  his  own."  But  if  any  one  shall  have  been 
discovered  delighting  in  this  most  evil  vice:  being 
warned  once  and  again,  if  he  do  not  amend,  let  him 
be  subject  to  punishment. 

-  48.  Concerning  the  daily  manual  labor.  Idleness  is 
the  enemy  of  the  soul.  And  therefore,  at  fixed  times, 
the  brothers  ought  to  be  occupied  in  manual  labor;  and 
again,  at  fixed  times,  in  sacred  reading.  Therefore  we 
believe  that,  according  to  this  disposition,  both  seasons 
ought  to  be  arranged ;  so  that,  from  Easter  until  the 
Calends  of  October,  going  out  early,  from  the  first  until 
the  fourth  hour  they  shall  do  what  labor  may  be  neces- 
sary. Moreover,  from  the  fourth  hour  until  about  the 
sixth,  they  shall  be  free  for  reading.  After  the  meal 
of  the  sixth  hour,  moreover,  rising  from  table,  they 
shall  rest  in  their  beds  with  all  silence;  or,  perchance, 
he  that  wishes  to  read  may  so  read  to  himself  that  he 
do  not  disturb  another.  And  the  nona  (the  second  meal) 
shall  be  gone  through  with  more  moderately  about  the 
middle  of  the  eighth  hour;  and  again  they  shall  work 
at  what  is  to  be  done  until  Vespers.  But,  if  the  exi- 
gency or  poverty  of  the  place  demands  that  they  be 
occupied  by  themselves  in  picking  fruits,  they  shall  not 
be  dismayed:  for  then  they  are  truly  monks  if  they  live 
by  the  labor  of  their  hands;  as  did  also  our  fathers  and 
the  apostles.  Let  all  things  be  done  with  moderation, 
however,  on  account  of  the  faint-hearted.  From  the 


MONASTICISM.  U7 

Calends  of  October,  moreover,  until  the  beginning  of 
Lent  they  shall  be  free  for  reading  until  the  second 
full  hour.  At  the  second  hour  the  tertia  (morning  ser- 
vice) shall  be  held,  and  all  shall  labor  at  the  task  which 
is  enjoined  upon  them  until  the  ninth.  The  first  sig- 
nal, moreover,  of  the  ninth  hour  having  been  given, 
they  shall  each  one  leave  off  his  work;  and  be  ready 
when  the  second  signal  strikes.  Moreover  after  the  re- 
fection they  shall  be  free  for  their  readings  or  for 
psalms.  But  in  the  days  of  Lent,  from  dawn  until  the 
third  full  hour,  they  shall  be  free  for  their  readings; 
and,  until  the  tenth  full  hour,  they  shall  do  the  labor 
that  is  enjoined  on  them.  In  which  days  of  Lent  they 
shall  all  receive  separate  books  from  the  library;  which 
they  shall  read  entirely  through  in  order.  These  books 
are  to  be  given  out  on  the  first  day  of  Lent.  Above  all 
there  shall  certainly  be  appointed  one  or  two  elders, 
who  shall  go  round  the  monastery  at  the  hours  in  which 
the  brothers  are  engaged  in  reading,  and  see  to  it  that 
no  troublesome  brother  chance  to  be  found  who  is  open 
to  idleness  and  trifling,  and  is  not  intent  on  his  read- 
ing; being  not  only  of  no  use  to  himself,  but  also  stir- 
ring up  others.  If  such  a  one — may  it  not  happen — be 
found,  he  shall  be  admonished  once  and  a  second  time. 
If  he  do  not  amend,  he  shall  be  subject  under  the 
Rule  to  such  punishment  that  the  others  may  have  fear. 
Nor  shall  brother  join  brother  at  unsuitable  hours. 
Moreover  on  Sunday  all  shall  engage  in  reading,  ex- 
cepting those  who  are  deputed  to  various  duties.  But 
if  any  one  be  so  negligent  and  lazy  that  he  will  not  or 
can  not  read,  some  task  shall  be  imposed  upon  him 
which  he  can  do.  so  that  he  be  not  idle.  On  feeble  or 
delicate  brothers  such  a  labor  or  art  is  to  be  imposed,  that 
that  they  shall  neither  be  idle,  nor  shall  they  be  so  op- 
pressed by  the  violence  of  labor  as  to  be  driven  to  take 
flight.  Their  weakness  is  to  be  taken  into  considera- 
tion by  the  abbot. 

55.  Vestments  shall  be  given  to  the  brothers  according 
to  the  quality  of  the  places  where  they  dwell,  or  the  tem- 
perature of  the  air.  For  in  cold  regions  more  is  re- 
quired; but  in  warm,  less.  This,  therefore,  is  a  matter 
for  the  abbot  to  decide.  We  nevertheless  consider  that 
for  ordinary  places  there  suffices  for  the  monks  a  cowl 


98  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

and  gown  apiece— a  cowl,  in  winter  hairy,  in  snmlneT 
plain  or  old,— and  a  working  garment,  on  amount  of 
their  labors.  As  clothing  for  the  feet,  shoes  aud  boots. 
.  .  .  As  trappings  for  the  beds,  moreover,  shall 
suffice  a  mat,  a  woollen  covering,  a  woollen  cloth  under 
the  pillow,  and  the  pillow.  And  these  beds  are  fre- 
quently to  be  searched  by  the  abbot  on  account  of  pri- 
vate property;  least  he  find  some.  .And,  if  anything  be 
found  belonging  to  any  one  which  he  did  noc  receive 
from  the  abbot,  he  shall  be  subjected  to  the  most  severe 
discipline.  And,  in  order  that  this  special  vice  may  be 
cut  off  at  the  roots,  there  shall  be  given  by  the  abbot  all 
things  which  are  necessary:  that  is,  a  cowl,  a  gown, 
shoes,  boots,  a  binder  for  the  loins,  a  knife,  a  pen,  a 
needle,  handkerchief,  tablets:  so  that  all  excuse  of  ne- 
cessity shall  be  removed.  .  .  . 

57.  Concerning  the  artificers  of  the  monastery.  Artifi- 
cers, if  there  are  any  in  the  monastery,  shall  practice 
with  all  humility  their  special  arts,  if  the  abbot  permit 
it.  But  if  any  one  of  them  becomes  inflated  with  pride 
on  account  of  knowledge  of  his  art,  to  the  extent  that 
he  seems  to  be  conferring  something  on  the  monastery: 
such  a  one  shall  be  plucked  away  from  that  art;  and 
he  shall  not  again  return  to  it  unless  the  abbot  per- 
chance again  orders  him  to,  he  being  humiliated.  . 
.  .  In  the  prices  themselves  [of  articles  sold],  more- 
over, let  not  the  evil  of  avarice  crop  out:  but  let  the 
object  always  be  given  a  little  cheaper  than  it  is  given 
by  other  and  secular  persons,  so  that  in  all  things  God 
shall  be  glorified . 

64.  Concerning  the  ordination  of  an  abbot.  In  ordain- 
ing an  abbot  this  consideration  shall  aways  be  ob- 
served: that  such  a  one  shall  be  put  into  office  as  the 
whole  congregation,  according  to  the  fear  of  God,  with 
one  heart— or  even  a  part,  however  small,  of  the  congre- 
gation with  more  prudent  counsel —shall  have  chosen. 
He  who  is  to  be  ordained,  moreover,  shall  be  elected 
for  merit  of  life  and  learnedness  in  wisdom;  even 
though  he  be  the  lowest  in  rank  in  the  congregation. 

66.  Concerning  the  doorkeepers  of  the  monastery.  At 
the  door  of  the  monastery  shall  be  placed  a  wise  old 
man  who  shall  know  how  to  receive  a  reply  and  to  re- 
turn one;  whose  ripeness  of  age  will  not  permit  him  to 


MONASTIC1SM.  -    99 

trifle.  Which  doorkeeper  ought  to  have  a  cell  next  to 
the  door;  so  that  those  arriving  may  always  find  one 
present  from  whom  they  may  receive  a  reply.  .  . 
A  monastery,  moreover,  if  it  can  be  done,  ought  so  to 
be  arranged  that  everything  necessary,  —that  is,  water, 
a  mill,  a  garden,  a  bakery, — may  be  made  use  of,  and 
different  arts  be  carried  on,  within  the  monastery ;  so 
that  there  shall  be  no  need  for  the  monks  to  wander 
about  outside.  For  this  is  not  at  all  good  for  their 
souls.  .  . 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Point  out  some  of  the  democratic  features  of  St. 
Benedict's  Rule.  2.  How  was  a  Benedictine  monastery 
governed?  3.  Were  the  monasteries  independent  of 
each  other?  4.  Is  the  ascetic  element  very  prominent  in 
the  Benedictine  RuleV  Were  unnecessary  hardships 
and  penances  imposed  for  the  sake  of  severer  discipline 
and  self-renunciation?  5.  Describe  the  daily  life  of  a 
Benedictine  monk.  6.  Was  it  assumed  that  every 
monk  could  read?  7.  How  much  of  his  time  did  a  Ben- 
edictine monk  devote  to  manual  labor  and  how  much  to 
reading?  8.  Why  was  manual  labor  commanded?  9. 
Did  a  monk  labor  in  order  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his 
labor?  10.  Were  not  the  monastic  orders  the  sole  ele- 
ment of  Medieval  society  who  appreciated  the  dignity 
of  manual  labor?  11.  Did  it  occur  to  the  monks  that 
they  would  injure  secular  laborers  by  systematically 
underselling  them  in  the  market?  12.  What  vice  were 
they  trying  to  avoid  ?  13.  What  were  the  provisions  of 
the  Rule  concerning  private  property?  14.  Could  the 
monastery  own  property?  15.  Were  the  monks  ex- 
pected to  take  an  active  part  in  the  life  around  them? 

3.   THE  MENDICANT  ORDERS 

i 

a.  The  Rule  of  St.  Francis  of  Assisi. 

1.  This  is  the  rule  and  way  of  living  of  the  minor- 
ite  brothers:  namely  to  observe  the  holy  Gospel  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  living  in  obedience,  without  per- 
sonal possessions,  and  iu  chastity.     Brother  Francis 
promises  obedience  and  reverence   to  our  lord  pope 
Honorius,  and  to  his  successors  who  canonically  enter 
upon  their  office,  and  to  the  Roman  Church.    And  the 
other  brothers  shall  be  bound  to  obey  brother  Francis 
and  his  successors. 

2.  If  any  persons  shall  wish  to  adopt  this  form  of  liv- 
ing, and  shall  come  to  our  brothers,  they  shall  send 
them  to  their  provincial  ministers;  to  whom  alone,  and 


100  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES- 

to  no  others,  permission  is  given  to  receive  brothers. 
But  the  ministers  shall  diligently  examine  them  in  the 
matter  of  the  catholic  faith  and  the  ecclesiastical  sacra- 
ments. .  .  .  But,  when  the  year  of  probation  is  over, 
they  shall  be  received  into  obedience;  promising  al- 
ways to  observe  that  manner  of  living,  and  this  Rule. 
And,  according  to  the  mandate  of  the  lord  pope,  they 
shall  never  be  allowed  to  break  these  bonds.  For  ac- 
cording to  the  holy  Gospel,  no  one  putting  his  hand  to 
the  plough  and  looking  back  is  fit  for  the  kingdom  of 
God.  And  those  who  have  now  promised  obedience 
shall  have  one  gown  with  a  cowl,  and  another,  if  they 
wish  it,  without  a  cowl.  And  those  who  are  compelled 
by  necessity  may  wear  shoes.  And  all  the  brothers 
shall  wear  humble  garments,  and  may  repair  them 
with  sack  cloth  and  other  remnants,  with  the  benedic- 
tion of  G-od.  And  I  warn  and  exhort  them  lest  they 
despise  or  judge  men  whom  they  shall  see  clad  in  soft 
garments  and  in  colors,  using  delicate  food  and  drink; 
but  each  one  shall  rather  judge  and  despise  himself. 

4.  1  firmly  command  all  the  brothers  by  no  means  to 
receive  coin  or  money,  of  themselves  or  through  an 
intervening  person     But  for  the  needs  of  the  sick  and 
for  clothing  the  other  brothers,  the  ministers  alone  and 
the  guardians  shall  provide  through  spiritual  friends, 
as  it  may  seem  to  them  that  necessity  demands,  accord- 
ing to  time,  place  and  cold  temperature.    This  one 
thing  being  always  regarded,  that,  as  has  been  said, 
they  receive  neither  coin  nor  money. 

5.  Those  brothers  to  whom  God  has  given  the  ability 
to  labor,  shall  labor  faithfully  and  devoutly;   in  such 
way  that  idleness,  the  enemy  of  the  soul,  being  ex- 
cluded, they  may  not  extinguish  the  spirit  of  holy 
prayer  and  devotion;  to  which  other  temporal  th  ngs 
should  be  subservient.      As  a  reward,  moreover,  for 
their  labor,  they  may  receive  for  themselves  and  their 
brothers  the  necessaries  of  life,  but  not  coin  or  money; 
and  this  humbly,  as  becomes  the  servants  of  Goc  and 
the  followers  of  most  holy  poverty. 

6.  The  brothers  shall  appropriate  nothing  to  them- 
selves, neither  a  house,  nor  a  place,  nor  anything;  but 
as  pilgrims  and  strangers  in  this  world,  in  poverty  and 
imniility  serving  God,  they  shall  confidently  go  seek 


M'ON  ASTI'CISMT  101 

ing  for  alms  Nor  need  they  be  ashamed,  for  the  Lord 
made  Himself  poor  for  us  in  this  world.  This  is  that 
height  of  most  lofcy  poverty,  which  has  constituted 
you  my  most  beloved  brothers  heirs  and  kings  of  the 
kingdom  of  Heaven,  has  made  you  poor  in  possessions, 
has  exalted  you  in  virtues.  .  .  . 

8.  All  the  brothers  shall   be  bound  always  to  have 
one  of  the  brothers  of  that  order  as  general  minister 
and  servant  of  the  whole  fraternity,  and  shall  be  firmly 
bound  to  obey  him.     When  he  dies,  the  election  of  a 
successor  shall  be  made  by  the  provincial  ministers  and 
guardians,  in  the  chapter  held  at  Pentecost;  in  which 
the  provincial  ministers  are  bound  always  to  come  to- 
gether in  whatever  place  shall  be  designated  by  the 
general  minister.     And  this,  once  in  three  years;  or  at 
another  greater  or  lesser  interval,  according  as  shall  be 
ordained  by  the  aforesaid  minister.     And,  if,  at  any 
time,  it  shall  be  apparent  to  the  whole  body  of  the  pro- 
vincial ministers  and  guardians  that    the    aforesaid 
minister  does  not  suffice  for  the  service  and  common 
utility  of  the  brothers:  the  aforesaid  brothers  to  whom 
the  right  of  election  has  been  given  shall  be  bound,  in 
the  name  of  God,  to  elect  another  as  their  guardian. 
But  after  the  chapter  held  at  Pentecost  the  ministers 
and  the  guardians  can,  if  they  wish  it  and  it  seems  ex- 
pedient for  them,  in  that  same  year  call  together,  once, 
their  brothers,  in  their  districts,  to  a  chapter. 

9.  The  brothers  may  not  preach  in  the  bishopric  of 
any   bishop  if  they  have  been  forbidden  to  by  him. 
And  no  one  of  the  brothers  shall  dare  to  preach  at  all 
to  the  people,  unless  he  have  been  examined  and  ap- 
proved by  the  general  minister  of  this  fraternity,  and 
the  office  of  preacher  have  been  conceded  to  him.   -I 
also  exhort  those  same  brothers,  that,  in  the  preaching 
which  they  do,  their  expressions  shall  be  chaste  and 
chosen,  to  the  utility  and  edification  of  the  people;  an- 
nouncing to  them  vices  and  virtues,  punishment  and 
glory,  with  briefness  of  discourse;  for  the  words  were 
brief  which  the  Lord  spoke  upon  earth. 

•10.  The  brothers  who  are  the  ministers  and  servants 
of  the  other  brothers  shall  visit  and  admonish  their 
brothers  and  humbly  and  lovingly  correct  them;  not 
teaching  them  anything  which  is  against  their  soul 


102  EURpPEAN    BISTORT    STUDIES. 

and  against  our  Rule.  But  the  brothers  who  are  sub- 
jected to  them  shall  remember  that,  before  God,  they 
have  discarded  their  own  wills.  Wherefore  I  firmly 
command  them  that  they  obey  their  ministers  in  all 
things  which  they  have  promised  God  to  observe  and 
which  are  not  contrary  to  their  souls  and  to  our  Rule. 
.  .  .  I  warn  and  exhort,  moreover,  in  Christ  Jesus 
the  Lord,  that  the  brothers  be  on  their  guard  against 
all  pride,  vain-glory,  envy,  avarice,  care  and  anxiety 
for  this  world,  detraction  and  murmuring.  And  they 
shall  not  take  trouble  to  teach  those  ignorant  of  let- 
ters, but  shall  pay  heed  to  this  that  they  desire  to  have 
the  spirit  of  God  and  its  holy  workings;  that  they 
pray  always  to  God  with  a  pure  heart;  that  they  have 
humility,  patience,  in  persecution  and  infirmity;  and 
that  they  love  those  who  persecute,  revile  and  attack 
us.  .  . 

12.  .  .  Furthermore,  through  their  obedience  I 
enjoin  on  the  ministers  that  they  demand  from  the  lord 
pope  one  of  the  cardinals  of  the  holy  Roman  Church, 
who  shall  be  the  governor,  corrector  and  protector 
of  that  fraternity,  so  that,  always  subjected  and  lying 
at  the  feet  of  that  same  holy  Church,  steadfast  in  the 
catholic  faith,  we  may  observe  poverty  and  humility, 
and  the  holy  Gospel  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ;  as  we 
have  firmly  promised. 

b.  The  Order  of  St.  Dominie. 

They  seek  to  revive  the  poverty  and  humility  of 
the  primitive  church  by  observing  not  only  the  precepts 
but  also  the  recommendations  of  the  Gospel.  The  pope 
has  confirmed  their  Rule  and  has  given  them  authority 
to  preach  everywhere,  but  with  the  consent  of  the  pre- 
lates. They  are  sent  out  in  companies  of  two.  They 
are  not  provided  with  knapsacks,  nor  money,  nor  bread, 
nor  shoes,  since  the  possession  of  these  things  is  forbid- 
den them.  They  have  neither  monastery,  nor  church, 
nor  lands,  nor  herds.  They  wear  neither  fur  nor 
linen,  but  only  a  tunic  of  wool  furnished  with  a  hood, 
without  cope,  or  mantle  or  any  other  apparel.  If  they 
are  offered  food  they  eat  what  is  set  before  them.  If 
they  are  given  anything,  they  keep  nothing  for  the 
morrow.  Once  or  twice  a  year  they  come  together  for 


MONASTICISM.  10! 

their  general  chapter,  after  which  their  superior  sends 
them  oat  by  twos  or  more  to  the  various  provinces.  By 
their  preaching  they  add  to  their  number:  by  their  ex- 
ample they  incite  many  to  despise  the  world,  not  merely 
common  men,  but  nobles,  who  leave  their  lands,  then 
cities,  their  vast  properties  and  content  themselves 
with  the  garb  of  the  minorite  brothers,  that  is  to  say, 
with  one  wretched  tunic  bound  by  a  cord.  The  Order 
has  so  grown  in  a  short  time  that  there  is  not  a  prov- 
ince in  Christendom  where  they  are  not  to  be  found; 
for  they  reject  no  one  who  is  not  hindered  by  marriage 
or  by  connection  with  another  Order,  and  they  receive 
new  brothers  the  more  readily,  since  they  leave  the 
care  of  their  subsistence  to  divine  Providence.  (Jacques 
de  Vitry.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  How  were  the  Franciscans  organized?  2.  Were 
they  more  dependent  upon  the  papal  authority  than  the 
Benedictines  were?  3.  Wherein  were  the  Rules  of  the 
friars  severer  than  that  of  the  monks?  4.  Could  the 
friars  own  private  property?  5.  Why  were  they  for- 
bidden to  accept  money  as  alms?  6.  Could  the  Order 
own  property  ?  7.  What  did  St.  Francis  enjoin  concern- 
ing manual  labor?  8.  Did  he  lay  great  stress  upon 
learning?  9.  Did  the  friars  try  to  influence  the  life 
around  them? 

GENERAL.  QUESTIONS 

1.  Why  did  the  monasteries  receive  such  lavish  grants 
of  land  during  the  Middle  Ages? 

2.  Describe  the  organization  of  the  Benedictine  Mon- 
asteries. 

3.  Describe  the  organization  of  the  Mendicant  Orders. 
How  did  the  monks  and  friars  differ  in  their  relation  to 
the  papacy? 

4.  Compare  the  purpose  and  the  discipline  of  the 
.Benedictines  and  the  Franciscans. 


European  History  Studies 

F.  M.  FLING,  PH.D.,  EDITOR 


Vol.  II.  No.  7.  MARCH,  1899 


CIVILIZATION  DURING  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


THE  JEWS  OF  ANGEVIN  ENGLAND. 


SELECTIONS  MADE 


GUERNSEY  JONES,  PH.D., 

UNIVERSITY  OF  NEBRASKA 


J.  H.  MILLER.  Publisher, 

LINCOLN,   NEBRASKA 


Tearly  Subscription,  40  cents  Single  Copy,  5  cents 

Ten  or  more  subscriptions  to  one  address,  30  cents 


PUBLISHED  MONTHLY,  EXCEPT  JULY  AND  AUGUST 

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U.  S.  A. 


EUROPEAN  HISTORY  STUDIES. 


CIVILIZATION    DURING    THE    MIDDLE 
AGES. 

The  Jews  of  Angevin  England 

Jacobs,  Joseph.  The  Jews  of  Angevin  England.  Doc- 
uments and  Records  from  Latin  and  Hebrew 
Sources,  printed  and  manuscript,  for  the  first  time 
collected  and  translated.  In  the  series,  English 
History  by  Contemporary  Writers.  London,  1893. 

THE  annals  of  Roger  de  Hovenden,  or  Hove- 
den, or  Howden,  cover  the  period  from 
the  year  732  to  the  year  1201.  Only  the 
part  covering  the  years  1192-1201,  however,  is 
very  valuable.  From  1169  to  1192  he  abridges 
or  transcribes  the  Chronicle  attributed  to  Ben- 
edict, Abbot  of  Peterborough,  or  uses  material 
common  to  both.  Hoveden  include^,  how- 
ever, many  letters,  charters,  etc.,  omitted  or 
abridged  by  Benedict,  which  make  this  part  of 
his  Annals  of  some  use.  Of  the  personal-  his- 
tory of  Hoveden,  nothing  certain  is  known. 
He  appears  to  have  lived  in  the  north  of  Eng- 
land, and  to  have  occupied  a  position  of  con- 
fidence as  king's  clerk. 

The  Chronicle  of  Jocelin  de  Brakelond  "  ex- 
tends from  the  year  1173  to  the  year  1202,  and 
chiefly  relates  to  the  history  of  the  abbey  of  St. 
Edmundsbury,  and  presents  a  curious  picture 
of  the  economy  of  one  of  the  large  religious 
houses.  *  *  *  Of  the  personal  history  of 
the  author  nothing  is  known,  except  that  he  was 
chaplain  to  Abbot  Samson,  whose  acts  he  com- 
memorates, and  almoner  of  the  monastery." 

Under  the  term  Rolls  we  include  official  doc- 


THE  JEWS  OF  ANGEVIN  ENGLAND.  107 

uments  pertaining  to  the  conduct  of  royal  af- 
fairs, either  by  the  royal  officers  or  by  the  royal 
courts.  The  different  sorts  of  Rolls  are  too 
numerous  to  be  mentioned  here  even  by  name. 
The  Pipe  Rolls  are  the  most  important,  reaching 
in  almost  unbroken  series  from  the  second  year 
of  the  reign  of  Henry  II.  to  the  third  and  fourth 
years  of  the  reign  of  William  IV.  They  relate 
chiefly  to  the  royal  revenues,  and  contain  notices 
of  all  sorts  of  payments  to  the  crown.  In  the 
Patent  Rolls  are  enrolled  the  letters  patent  of 
the  king  to  his  subjects,  granting  them  some 
privilege  or  commanding  them  to  do  something, 
together  with  many  other  matters.  The  Oblate 
Rolls  record  the  fines  paid  for  some  privilege 
or  for  evading  some  penalty. 

Very  little  is  known  of  the  personal  history 
of  William  of  Newbury.  He  was  born  in  York- 
shire about  the  year  1135  or  1136,  and  lived  his 
whole  life  near  the  scenes  of  the  Jewish  massa- 
cres which  he  describes.  He  was  a  canon  of  the 
Augustinian  priory  of  Bridlington.  His  History 
ends  with  the  year  1198,  the  year  of  his  death, 
so  these  descriptions  are  very  nearly,  if  not  quite, 
contemporary. 

My  indebtedness  to  Mr.  Jacobs  is,  I  trust,  too 
patent  to  need  further  acknowledgement.  At 
the  end  of  each  selection  is  placed  in  parenthe- 
ses the  page  of  his  book  where  the  selection  may 
be  found. 

1.  THE  CHURCH  CONDEMNS  USURY 

a.  Gratian  explains  the  nature  of  Usury,  1140  A.  D. 

But  that  to  seek  profit  beyond  the  sum  [lent]  is  to 
demand  usury  is  proven  by  the  authority  of  Austin, 
who  on  Psalm  XXXVL,  on  the  verse  "  All  day  "  writeth 
saying— 


108  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

"If  you  lend  a  man  on  usury,  i.  e.,  if  you  have  given 
him  your  money  from  whom  you  expect  more  than  you 
gave,  and  not  money  alone  but  everything  more  than 
you  have  given,  whether  corn,  or  wine,  or  oil,  or  any- 
thing else,  if  you  expect  to  receive  aught  more  than 
you  have  given,  you  are  an  usurer,  and  for  that  to  be 
reproved  and  not  praised." 


So  too  Pope  Julius:  "Whoever  at  harvest  time  or 
vintage,  not  from  necessity  but  from  cupidity,  buys 
corn  or  wine,  let  us  say  at  twopence  the  measure,  and 
keeps  it  till  it  may  be  sold  at  fourpence  or  sixpence  or 
more,  this  we  call  filthy  lucre." 

And  so  too  Ambrose  in  the  book  on  the  good  of  death, 
"If  any  accept  usury,  he  doeth  plunder,  he  lives  not  in 
life."  And  so  too  Austin  to  Macedonius:  "  What 
shall  I  say  of  usury  which  even  the  very  laws  and 
judges  order  to  be  returned.  Is  he  more  cruel  that 
takes  or  snatches  something  from  the  rich  than  he  who 
destroys  the  poor  with  interest?"  (p.  16). 

b.  Decree  of  Pope  Alexander  III.,  1179  A.D. 

Since  in  almost  all  places  the  crime  of  usury  waxes 
so  that  many,  leaving  business,  exercise  usury  as  if 
'twas  lawful,  and  do  not  observe  how  it  is  condemned 
by  the  pages  of  both  Testaments,  therefore  we  decree 
that  manifest  usurers  shall  not  be  received  at  the  com- 
munion of  the  altar,  nor  receive  Christian  burial,  if 
they  die  in  this  sin,  and  no  offering  of  theirs  shall  be 
received.  And  he  that  receives  them  or  gives  them 
Christian  burial,  shall  both  return  what  he  has  taken 
from  then,  and  shall  remain  suspended  from  his  office 
till  he  has  made  satisfaction  in  the  opinion  of  his 
bishop. — Hoveden,  from  Benedict,  (p.  63). 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  is  usury?  2.  On  what  grounds  did  the 
Church  condemn  it?  3.  Was  it  treated  as  a  serious 
offense?  4.  Did  the  Church  find  any  difficulty  in  en- 
forcing its  prohibition?  5.  Would  a  medieval  Chris- 
tian care  anything  for  the  penalties  imposed  by  Pope 
Alexander  III?  6.  Was  there  any  class  in  medieval 
society  which  the  Church  could  not  control?  7.  How 
would  this  affect  the  business  of  money -lending? 


THE  JEWS  OF  ANGEVIN  ENGLAND.  109 

2.    THE  JEWS  WERE   USURERS 

a.  How  the  Abbey  of  St.  Edmund's  became  in  debt  to 

the  Jews,  1173-80  A.D. 

But  things  outside  were  badly  handled,  since  each 
one,  serving  under  a  master  simple-minded  and  now 
growing  old,  did  as  it  liked,  not  as  it  beseemed  him. 
The  homesteads  and  all  the  hundreds  of  the  abbot  were 
given  out  to  farm;  the  woods  were  cut  down,  the  manor 
houses  went  to  ruin;  all  things  got  into  worse  condition 
from  day  to  day.  There  was  only  one'  solace  and  rem- 
edy for  the  abbot— to  borrow  money,  so  that  at  least  he 
might  keep  up  the  honor  of  his  house.  Not  an  Easter 
or  Michaelmas  term  for  eight  years  before  his  death 
but  a  hundred  or  two  hundred  pounds  were  added  to 
the  debt.  The  deeds  were  always  being  renewed,  and 
the  usury  that  accrued  was  changed  into  a  capital 
charge.  This  complaint  spread  from  the  head  to  the 
limbs,  from  the  prelate  to  his  subjects.  Hence  it  came 
to  pass  that  each  obedientiary  had  his  own  seal  and  got 
into  debt  with  Christians  as  well  as  Jews  at  his  own 
pleasure.  The  silk  cups  and  gold  goblets  and  other 
ornaments  of  the  church  used  often  to  be  pledged  with- 
out the  knowledge  of  the  convent.  I  have  seen  a  deed 
made  to  William  fitz  Isabel,  of  one  thousand  pounds 
and  forty,  and  I  know  neither  the  cause  nor  origin 
thereof.  I  saw  too  another  deed  made  out  to  Isaac,  son 
of  Rabe  Joce,  of  four  hundred  pounds,  but  I  know  not 
why.  I  saw  also  a  third  deed  made  out  to  Benedict, 
Jew  of  Norwich,  of  eight  hundred  pounds  and  eighty, 
and  this  was  the  origin  and  cause  of  that  debt.  Our 
hall  was  destroyed  and  William  the  sacristan  had  it  to 
restore,  willy-nilly,  and  he  secretly  borrowed  on  usury 
forty  marks  from  Benedict  the  Jew,  and  made  over  to 
him  a  deed  signed  with  a  seal  that  used  to  hang  by  the 
window  of  St.  Edmund,  and  by  it  gilds  and  fraterni- 
ties used  to  be  sealed,  but  afterwards,  though  too  late, 
it  was  broken  up  to  the  joy  of  the  whole  convent.  But 
When  the  debt  had  come  to  one  hundred  pounds  the 
Jew  came  bearing  the  letters  of  our  lord  the  king  about 
the  sacristan's  debt,  and  then  at  last  was  made  clear 
what  had  escaped  the  abbot  and  the  convent.  But  the 
abbot  in  wrath  wished  to  depose  the  sacristan,  produc- 
ing the  privilege  of  our  lord  the  pope,  that  he  could 


110  EUROPEAN   HISTORY  STUDIES. 

depose  William  his  sacristan  whenever  he  would.  Bat 
a  certain  one  came  to  the  abbot  and,  speaking  for  the 
sacristan,  so  got  round  the  abbot  that  he  allowed  a 
deed  to  be  made  out  to  Benedict  the  Jew  for  four  hun- 
dred pounds  to  be  paid  at  the  end  of  four  years,  i.  e., 
for  a  hundred  pounds,  which  had  now  grown  by  usury, 
and  another  hundred,  with  which  the  Jew  accommo- 
dated the  sacristan  for  the  needs  of  the  abbot.  And 
the  sacristan  undertook  to  return  the  whole  of  that 
debt  in  full  chapter,  and  a  deed  was  made,  signed  with 
the  seal  of  the  convent,  the  abbot  pretending  and  not 
affixing  his  seal,  as  if  that  seal  did  not  apply  to  him. 
But  at  the  end  of  four  years  there  was  no  means  of 
paying  that  debt,  and  a  new  deed  was  made  of  eight 
hundred  pounds  payable  at  fixed  dates,  four  score 
pounds  per  annum.  And  the  same  Jew  had  also  sev- 
eral other  deeds  for  smaller  debts,  and  another  deed 
fourteen  years  old,  so  that  the  sum  owed  to  that  Jew 
was  twelve  hundred  pounds  besides  the  money  that  had 
accrued.* 

In  those  days  the  cellarer,  like  the  rest  of  the  officials, 
borrowed  money  from  Jurnet,  the  Jew  [of  Norwich] , 
without  permission  of  the  convent,  on  a  deed  signed 
with  the  seal  aforementioned.  But  when  that  debt  had 
grown  to  sixty  pounds  the  convent  was  summoned  to 
pay  the  debt  of  the  cellarer.  The  cellarer  was  deposed 
although  he  softened  the  charge  by  saying  that  for 
three  years  he  had  received  all  the  guests  in  the  guests' 
house  at  the  command  of  the  abbot,  whether  he  were 
present  or  not,  though  that  abbot  should  have  received 
them  according  to  the  custom  of  his  office.  Master 
Dionisius  took  his  place,  who,  by  his  prudence  and  cau- 
tion, reduced  the  debt  of  sixty  pounds  to  thirty.  Out 
of  this  debt  we  handed  over  thirty  marks,  which  Bene- 
dict de  Blakeham  gave  to  the  convent  for  the  manors 
of  Neutone  and  Wapstede.  .  But  the  deed  of  the  Jew 
has  remained  in  his  hands  up  to  this  day,  and  in  it  are 
twenty -six  pounds  of  the  capital  and  debt  of  the  cel- 
larer.— Joe.  de  Bralcelond.  (p.  59). 
b.  A  new  Abbot  is  elected,  who  has  the  Jews  expelled, 

1182-1190  A.  D. 

But  William,  the  Sacristan,  had  a  suspicion  of  hia 
•The  whole  reveme  of  the  Abbey  was  £3^5  lUa.  4d.—  Jacobs. 


THE  JEWS  OF  ANGEVIN  ENGLAND.     Ill 

associate,  Samson,  and  so  had  many  others  who  favored 
the  side  of  the  said  William,  both  Christians  and  Jews. 
Jews,  I  say,  for  to  them  the  Sacristan  was  said  to  be  a 
father  and  a  patron.  They  used  to  enjoy  his  protection, 
and  had  free  entrance  and  exit,  and  often  went  through 
the  monastery,  wandering  through  the  altars  and 
around  the  shrine  while  the  solemnities  of  the  Mass 
were  being  celebrated.  And  their  moneys  were  placed 
in  our  treasury  in  the  charge  of  the  sacristan,  and,  what 
was  more  absurd,  their  wives  and  little  ones  were  re- 
ceived in  our  refectory  in  time  of  war. 

[Sampson  however  is  elected  and  begins  his 
reforms.] 

Lastly,  he  deposed  William  himself:  whereat  certain 
who  favored  William  said,  "There's  an  abbot  for  you! 
This  is  the  wolf  of  which  he  dreamt.  See  how  he 
rages!"  and  some  wished  to  make  a  conspiracy  against 
him.  And  when  this  was  made  known  to  the  abbot, 
wishing  not  to  be  altogether  silent  nor  to  disturb  the 
convent,  he  entered  the  chapter  on  the  morrow,  bring- 
ing out  a  little  bag  full  of  concealed  deeds  with*  the 
seals  still  hanging  to  them,  viz. ,  those  of  his  predeces- 
sor and  of  the  prior,  the  sacristan,  the  chamberlain  and 
other  officials.  The  sum  total  of  these  was  £3,025  and 
one  mark  of  pure  gold,  apart  from  the  usury  which  had 
accrued,  the  amount  of  which  could  never  be  known. 
For  all  these  he  had  made  terms  within  a  year  of  his 
election,  and  within  twelve  he  had  cleared  them  off. 
"  Behold,"  said  he,  "  the  wisdom  of  our  sacristan  Wil- 
liam. See  how  many  deeds  signed  with  his  seal;  to- 
gether with  them  he  has  pledged  the  silk  caps,  dalmat- 
ics, silver  candlesticks  and  golden  texts,  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  convent,  and  all  these  I  have  released 
and  consigned  again  to  you". 

*  *  * 

Whenever  the  abbot  went  at  that  time  both  Jews 
and  Christians  used  to  meet  him  demanding  their  debts, 
disturbing  and  vexing  him  so  that  he  could  not  sleep, 
and  was  made  pale  and  lean,  saying  "  My  heart  will 
never  be  at  rest  till  I  shall  know  the  end  of  my  debt." 
—Ibid.  (p.  78). 

The  Lord  abbot  sought  from  the  King  a  writ 
whereby  the  Jews  might  be  ejected  from  the  town  of 


112  EUROPEAN    HISTORY   STUDIES. 

St.  Edmond,  alleging  that  whatever  is  in  the  town  of 
St.  Edmond  or  within  its  banlieu  is  under  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  St.  Edmond:  therefore  the  Jews  ought  either  to 
be  men  of  St.  Edmond  or  be  ejected  from  the  town. 
License  was  therefore  given  him  that  he  should  eject 
them,  but  on  condition  that  they  should  have  their 
chattels  as  well  as  the  price  of  their  houses  and  lands. 
And  when  they  were  sent  forth  and  conducted  with 
an  armed  band  to  various  cities  the  abbot  ordered  that 
excommunication  should  be  declared  in  all  churches 
and  at  all  altars  against  anyone  should  henceforth 
take  in  Jews  or  give  them  lodging  in  the  town  of  St. 
Edmond.  But  this  was  afterwards  modified  by  the 
justiciars  of  the  King  to  the  effect  that  if  Jews  should 
come  to  the  great  pleas  of  the  abbot  to  demand  their 
debts  from  their  debtors  on  such  occasions  they  might 
be  lodged  for  two  days  and  two  nights  in  the  town, 
but  freely  depart  on  the  third  day.  *— Ibid.  (p.  141). 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  rate  of  interest  did  Benedict  of  Norwich 
get?  2.  Do  you  consider  it  exorbitant  under  the  cir- 
cumstances? 3.  Did  he  have  any  trouble  in  getting  his 
money  back?  4.  Why  did  the  King  interfere  in  his 
favor?  5.  Did  he  sometimes  take  the  side  of  the 
debtor?  (supra)  6.  Why?  7.  Was  it  from  motives  of 
humanity  that  he  saved  the  Jews  their  property  on 
their  expulsion  from  St.  Edmundsbury  ?  8.  What  was 
the  state  of  discipline  in  this  monastery?  9.  From  this 
incident,  can  you  justify  in  some  measure  the  Church's 
prohibition  of  usury? 

3.    THE  KINGS  PROTECT  THE  JEWS 

a.  The  Reason  Why. 

Be  it  also  known,  that  all  Jews,  wheresoever  they 
are  in  the  kingdom,  are  to  be  under  the  tutelage  and 
lawful  protection  of  the  king^  and  no  one  can  serve 
under  any  rich  man  without  the  king's  leave;  for  the 
Jews  and  all  their  property  belong  to  the  king.  And 
if  any  person  shall  lay  hands  on  them  or  their  money, 
the  king  is  to  demand  restitution  thereof,  if  he  so 
pleases,  as  of  his  own.  Laws  of  Henry  II.,  A.D.  1180. 
Hove  n  den. 

*  The  Jewish  Synagogue  at  Edmundsbury  is  still  in  existence, 
beinpr  used  aa  a  police  station  under  the  name  of  Moyses*  Hall,— 
Jacobs. 


THE  JEWS  OF  ANGEVIN  ENGLAND.     113 

He  [Henry  II.  ]  favored  more  than  was  right  a  people 
treacherous  and  unfriendly  to  Christians,  namely  Jew- 
ish usurers  because  of  the  great  advantages  which  he 
saw  were  to  be  had  from  their  usuries:  so  much  so  that 
they  become  proud  and  stiffnecked  against  Christians 
and  brought  many  exactions  upon  them.  In  fact  in 
demanding  money  he  was  a  little  too  immoderate,  but 
the  evil  increasing  beyond  bounds  at  a  later  time  in 
this  regard  justified  him  and  proved  that  he  had  kept 
within  limits.  — William,  of  Newbury.  (p.  94). 
b.  Selections  from  the  Rolls. 

Rubi  Gotsce  and  other  Jews  to  whom  earl  Randulf 
was  indebted,  owe  10  marks  of  gold  for  that  the  king 
might  help  them  to  recover  their  debts  against  the 
earl.  P.  R.  31  Hen.  I.  (p.  15). 

Abraham  and  Deuslesalt,  Jews,  render  account  of  one 
mark  of  gold  that  they  might  recover  their  debts 
against  Osbert  de  Leicester.  P.  R.  31  Hen.  I.  (p.  15). 

Solomon  and  Jacob,  Jews  of  Bedford,  owe  3  marks 
for  right  to  six  marks  and  3  shillings  against  Wil- 
liam Williamson.  P.  R.  31  Hen.  II  (p.  85). 

Joce  le  Salvage  owes  2  marks  for  right  to  7  marks 
against  Ralph  of  Cornwall  of  the  debt  of-  Nigel  de  Flo- 
bose.  P.  R.  31  Hen.  II.  (p.  85). 

Benedict  son  of  Aaron  owes  20  marks  for  right  to  £4 
8s.  8d.  against  Meno  Jew  of  Lincoln.  *  P.  R.  31  Hen. 
II.  (p.  86). 

Aaron  brother  of  Leon  of  Dunstable  owes  20s.  for 
having  right  to  30s.  against  Hugh  fil  Yvon  and  for  20s. 
against  Ric.  fil  Essvj  and  for  2  marks  against  Robert 
Blund.  Mosse  son  of  Mosse  owes  20s.  for  a  debt  of  5 
marks  against  Calford  de  Lega.  Josce  son  of  Mosse 
owes  4  shillings  for  20s.  against  Gilbert  Passelewe.  P. 
R.  5  Ric.  I.  (p.  160). 

Samuel  de  Stanford  owes  10  marks  for  having  his 
debts  against  William  de  Colville.     But  he  is  dead  and 
his  chattels  and  pledges  are  in  the  King's  hand.  P.  R. 
1  Ric.  I.  (p.  138). 
«The  King.,  &c.,  to  Benedict  of  Talemunt  the  Jew 

*  Benedict  does  not  seem  to  gain  much  by  his  action,  having  to  paj 
lour  times  as  much  as  the  debt.— Jacobs. 


114  EUROPEAN    HISTORY   STUDIES. 

&c.  Know  that  we  have  freed  our  dear  faithful  Wil- 
liam Mansey  50  pounds  of  Poitou  which  he  owes  to 
thee  and  other  Jews  of  Rochelle.  *  *  Pat.  R.  [6 
July,  1202.  J  (p.  221). 

The  lord  King  has  pardoned  by  his  letters  patent 
William  Earl  of  Arundell  of  all  debts  to  Jews  which 
he  owed  them  up  to  St.  Lawrence's  feast  in  the  fourth 
year  of  his  reign.  At  Alencon,  8  Aug.  [1202.]  Pat.  R. 
(p.  221). 

The  King  &c.  to  all  &c.  Know  that  we  have  quit 
claimed  Saher  de  Quincy  of  300  marks  that  he  owes  to 
the  Jews.  And  thereon  give  him  quittance  for  one  year 
from  Michaelmas.  And  he  has  as  a  witness  of  the  King 
these  letters  patent  addressed  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  at 
present  guarding  them.  Pat.  R.  [28  May,  1203.  ]  (p. 
222). 

The  King,  &c.,  to  G.  fils  Peter,  &c.  Know  that  we 
have  acquitted  our  dear  and  faithful  William  de  Breos 
of  £50  sterling  which  a  certain  Jew  of  Northampton 
claims  from  him  by  the  surety  of  Ranulf  de  Glan- 
vile  and  Walter  de  Clifford.  And  therefore  we  order 
you  to  acquit  him  and  cause  the  charter  which  the  Jew 
has  to  be  returned  to  him.  Pat.  R.  [7  June,  1  03.] 
(p.  222). 

The  Jews  of  England  give  our  Lord  the  King  four 
thousand  marks  to  have  their  charters  confirmed,  and 
the  charters  were  sent  to  Godfrey  son  of  Peter  by 
Stephen  de  Portico  that  they  should  cause  them  to  be 
read  in  their  presence  and  in  the  presence  of  the  Lord 
Bishops  of  London  and  Norwich  and  when  they  have 
received  security  for  the  payment  of  these  four  thousand 
marks,  viz.,  1000  immediately,  1000  at  Michaelmas, 
1000  at  Easter,  1000  at  Michaelmas,  then  they  shall  de- 
liver to  them  the  Charters  in  the  presence  of  the  afore- 
said. Obi.  R.  2  Jo.  (p.  215). 

Of  the  debts  of  the  Jews  we  take  no  account  for  the 
picociit  fogcanse  the  loru  our  king  has  taken  a  quarter 
of  their  chattels.  P.  R.  33  Hen.  II  (p.  91).* 

Avigay,  who  was  the  wife  of  Jacob,  owes  200  marks 
to  have  custody  of  her  boys.  P.  R.  21  Hen.  II.  (p.  56). 

*  It  amounted  to  £GO.OOO.  The  rest  of  the  king's  subjects  paid 
tenths,  which  amounted  to  £70,000.— Jacobs. 


THE  JEWS  OF  ANGEVIN  ENGLAND.  115 

Samuel,  Jew  of  Northhampton,  owes  one  mark  for 
Margaret,  Jewess  of  London,  to  have  license  for  an 
agreement  of  marriage  of  his  son  and  Margaret's  daugh- 
ter. P.  R.  30  Hen  II.  (p.  85). 

Sancto,  Jew  of  Edmundsbury,  renders  account  of  5 
marks  to  be  acquitted  of  taking  in  pledge  vessels  ap- 
pointed for  the  service  of  the  altar.  P.  R.  29  Hen. 
II.  (p.  83). 

Hakelin  son  of  Josce  Quatrebuches  £28  15s.  8d.  that 
he  may  be  quits  for  the  soldier  whom  he  struck.  P.  R. 
28  Hen.  II  (p.  74). 

Richard  son  of  William  renders  count  of  20  shil- 
lings for  a  slain  Jew.  P.  R.  2  Hen.  II.  (p.  28). 

c.  The  Jewry  is  organized. 

All  the  debts,  pledges,  mortgages,  lands,  houses, 
rents,  and  possessions  of  the  Jews  shall  be  registered. 
The  Jew  who  shall  conceal  any  of  these  shall  forfeit  to 
the  King  his  body  and  the  thing  concealed,  and  like- 
wise all  his  possessions  and  chattels,  neither  shall  it  be 
lawful  to  the  Jew  to  recover  the  thing  concealed. 

Likewise  six  or  seven  places  shall  be  provided  in 
which  they  shall  make  all  their  contracts,  and  there 
shall  be  appointed  two  lawyers  that  are  Christians  and 
two  lawyers  that  are  Jews,  and  two  legal  registrars, 
and  before  them  and  the  clerks  of  William  of  the 
Church  of  St.  Mary's  and  William  of  Chimilli,  shall 
their  contracts  be  made. 

And  charters  shall  be  made  of  their  contracts  by  way 
of  indenture.  And  one  part  of  the  indenture  shall  re 
main  with  the  Jew,  sealed  with  the  seal  of  him  to 
whom  the  money  is  lent,  and  the  other  part  shall  re 
main  in  the  common  chest:  wherein  there  shall  be  three 
locks  and  keys,  whereof  the  two  Christians  shall  keep 
one  key,  and  the  two  Jews  another,  and  the  clerks  of 
William  of  the  Church  of  St.  Mary  and  of  William  of 
Chimilli  shall  keep  the  third.  And  moreover  there 
shall  be  three  seals  to  it,  and  those  who  keep  the  seals 
shall  put  the  seals  thereto. 

Moreover  the  clerks  of  the  said  William  and  William 
shall  keep  a  roll  of  the  transcripts  of  all  the  charters, 
and  as  the  charters  shall  be  altered  so  let  the  roll  be 
likewise.  For  every  charter  there  shall  be  three-pence 


116  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

paid,  one  moiety  thereof  by  the  Jews  and  the  other 
moiety  by  him  to  whom  the  money  is  lent;  whereof 
the  two  writers  shall  have  twopence  and  the  keeper  of 
the  roll  the  third. 

And  from  henceforth  no  contract  shall  be  made  with, 
nor  payment  made  to,  the  Jews,  nor  any  alteration 
made  in  the  charters,  except  before  the  said  persons  or 
the  greater  part  of  them,  if  all  of  them  cannot  be  pres- 
ent. And  the  aforesaid  two  Christians  shall  have  one 
roll  of  the  debts  or  receipts  of  the  payments  which  from 
henceforth  are  to  be  made  to  the  Jews,  and  the  two 
Jews  one  and  the  keeper  of  the  roll  one. 

Moreover  every  Jew  shall  swear  on  his  Roll,  that  all 
his  debts  and  pledges  and  rents,  and  all  his  goods,  and 
his  possessions,  he  shall  cause  to  be  enrolled,  and  that 
he  Fhall  conceal  nothing  as  is  aforesaid.  And  if  he 
shall  know  that  anyone  shall  conceal  anything  he  shall 
secretly  reveal  it  to  the  Justices  sent  to  them,  and  that 
they  shall  detect  and  shew  unto  them  all  falsifiers,  or 
forgers  of  the  charters  and  clippers  of  money,  where  or 
when  they  shall  know  them,  and  likewise  all  false 
charters. — Hoveden.  (p.  156.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  profit  did  the  King  derive  from  the  usury  of 
the  Jews?  2.  If  the  Jews  were  the  King's  chattels, 
why  did  he  not  confiscate  their  entire  property  once  for 
all?  3.  When  the  King  enforced  the  payment  of  a 
Jewish  debt,  about  how  much  of  it  did  he  claim  for 
his  own?  4.  Could  he  free  a  subject  from  the  payment 
of  usury  due  to  a  Jew?  5.  Could  he  free  a  subject 
from  the  re-payment  of  the  principal  loaned  by  a  Jew? 
6.  Enumerate  some  of  the  ways  in  which  the  King 
fleeced  his  Jewish  subjects.  (The  student  will  remem- 
ber that  the  King's  Christian  subjects  were  fleeced  in 
ways  not  always  so  very  different,  though  to  a  less 
degree. )  7.  Why  was  the  Jewry  so  organized? 

4.    THE  JEWS  ARE  PERSECUTED 

a.  The  Riot  atJLynzL  February.  119"  A  D. 

While  this  was  going  on  in  France,  the  zeal  of  the 
Christians  against  the  Jews  in  England,  which  had 
been  kindled  a  little  before  at  London,  as  has  been 
mentioned,  broke  out  fiercely.  It  was  not  indeed  sin- 
cere, i.  e.,  solely  for  the  sake  of  the  faith,  but  in  rivalry 
for  the  luck  of  others  or  from  envy  of  their  good  for- 


THE  JEWS  OF  ANGEVIN  ENGLAND.  117 

tune.  Bold  and  greedy  men  thought  that  they  were 
doing  an  act  pleasing  to  God,  while  they  robbed  or 
destroyed  rebels  against  Christ  and  carried  out  the 
work  of  their  own  cupidity  with  savage  joy  and  with- 
out any,  or  only  the  slightest,  scruple  of  conscience, 
God's  justice,  indeed,  by  no  means  approving  such 
deeds  but  cunningly  ordaining  that  in  this  way  the 
insolence  of  that  perfidious  people  might  be  checked 
and  their  blaspheming  tongues  curbed. 

The  first  outburst  against  them  occurred,  we  have 
heard,  at  Lynn,  a  city  renowned  for  its  thriving  com' 
merce,  where  many  of  this  people  dwelt,  overbearing 
by  their  numbers,  the  greatness  of  their  wealth  and 
the  protection  of  the  King.  When  a  certain  one  of 
them  was  converted  from  their  superstition  to  the 
Christian  faith,  they,  thirsting  for  his  blood  as  that 
of  a  deserter  and  traitor,  sought  for  an  opportunity  of 
gratifying  their  malice,  and  on  a  certain  day  seizing 
their  arms  attacked  him  as  he  was  passing,  but  he  re- 
treated to  the  nearest  church.  But  the  madmen  did 
not  desist,  but  began  to  besiege  the  church  with  per- 
verse fury  and  attack  in  order  to  break  the  doors  and 
drag  the  fugitive  out  to  punishment.  A  huge  clamor 
is  raised  by  those  who  were  in  the  same  church. 
Christian  help  was  demanded  with  loud  voice.  The 
shouting  and  the  reports  inflame  the  Christian  folk; 
those  who  were  near  run  up  in  arms  on  hearing  the 
shouts,  those  afar  off  when  they  heard  the  rumors. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  place  went  to  work  half-heart- 
edly for  fear  of  the  King,  but  the  young  foreigners, 
of  whom  a  great  many  had  come  there  on  business,  at- 
tacked the  insolent  assailants  more  stoutly.  They,  how- 
ever, giving  up  their  siege  of  the  church  commenced  to 
fly  when  they  could  no  longer  support  the  attack  of  the 
Christians.  A  few  being  slain  during  the  fight,  their 
houses  were  stormed  and  pillaged  by  the  Christians, 
and  burnt  by  the  avenging  flames  and  many  of  them 
fell  victims  to  the  fire  or  sword  of  the  enemy.  On  the 
following  day  a  certain  Jew  coming  up,  a  distinguished 
physician,  who  was  friendly  with  and  honored  by  the 
Christians,  for  the  sake  both  of  his  art  and  of  his  own 
modesty,  commenced  to  deplore  the  slaughter  of  his 
people  rather  strongly,  and  as  if  prophesying  ven- 
geance, aroused  the  still  smouldering  rage.  The 


118  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

Christians  soon  seized  him  and  made  him  the  last  vic- 
tim of  Jewish  insolence.  The  young  foreigners,  loaded 
with  booty,  sought  their  ships  and  quickly  went  away 
to  avoid  inquiry  by  the  King's  officers.  But  the  in- 
habitants of  the  place  when  they  were  interrogated 
about  the  matter  by  the  officials,  attributed  the  deed 
to  the  foreigners  who  had  already  gone  away. —  Wil- 
liam of  Newbury  (p.  115). 

b.  The  Riot  at  Stamford,  7  March,  1190  A.D. 

After  this  a  new  rising  of  the  mob  against  the  Jews 
took  place  at  Stamford.  When  the  accustomed  fair 
was  being  held  there  at  Quadragesima  [March  7]  a 
number  of  youths  who  had  taken  the  Lord's  sign  to 
start  for  Jerusalem  came  together  from  different  prov- 
inces. They  were  indignant  that  the  enemies  of  the 
cross  of  Christ  who  dwelt  there  should  possess  so  much 
when  they  had  not  enough  for  the  expenses  of  so  great 
a  journey.  They  considered  they  ought  to  extort  from 
them  as  unjust  possessions  whatever  they  could  apply 
to  the  necessary  uses  of  the  pilgrimage  they  had  un- 
dertaken. Considering,  therefore,  that  they  could  be 
doing  honor  to  Christ  if  they  attacked  his  enemies, 
whose  goods  they  were  longing  for,  they  boldly  rushed 
upon  them,  nobody  either  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
place  or  of  those  who  had  come  to  the  fair  opposing 
such  daring  persons  and  some  even  helping  them. 
Some  of  the  Jews  were  slain,  but  the  rest  escaped  with 
some  difficulty  by  retreating  to  the  Castle.  Their 
houses  were  pillaged  and  a  great  quantity  of  money 
captured.  —  William  of  Newbury.  (p.  115). 

c.  The  Massacre  at  York,  March,  1190  A.D. 

But  the  men  of  York  were  restrained  neither  by 
fear  of  the  hot-tempered  King  nor  the  vigor  of  the  laws, 
nor  by  feelings  of  humanity,  from  satiating  their  fury 
with  the  total  ruin  of  their  perfidious  fellow-citizens 
and  from  rooting  out  the  whole  race  in  their  city.  And 
as  this  was  a  very  remarkable  occurrence,  it  ought  to 
be  transmitted  to  posterity  at  greater  length.  Of  the 
Jews  of  York,  as  we  said,  the  foremost  were  Benedict 
and  Joce,  men  of  great  riches  and  great  usurers.  ,  Now 
they  had  built  in  the  middle  of  the  city  at  very  great 
expense  large  houses,  like  royal  palaces,  and  there  they 


THE  JEWS  OF  ANGEVIN  ENGLAND.     119 

dwelt  like  two  princes  of  their  own  people  and  tyrants 
of  the  Christians,  behaving  with  almost  royal  state  and 
pomp  and  exercising  harsh  tyranny  against  those 
whom  they  oppressed  with  their  usuries.  And  when 
they  were  at  London  at  the  solemnity  of  the  anointing 
of  the  King,  Benedict,  as  we  mentioned  above,  by  the 
judgment  of  God,  met  with  a  most  wretched  end  and 
might  be  called  Maledict.  But  Joce,  escaping  with 
difficulty  on  that  occasion,  returned  to  York,  and  as 
the  King  after  the  London  riot  issued  a  decree  for  the 
protection  of  the  Jews,  he,  together  with  the  rest  of 
the  Jews  throughout  England,  continued  to  act  confi- 
dently according  to  their  old  ways.  But  when  the 
King  had  established  himself  across  the  sea  many  of 
the  province  of  York  plotted  against  the  Jews,  not 
being  able  to  suffer  their  opulence  when  they  them- 
selves were  in  need,  and  without  any  scruple  of  Chris- 
tian conscience  thirsting  for  the  blood  of  infidels  from 
greed  for  booty.  The  leaders  of  this  daring  plan  were 
some  of  the  nobles  indebted  to  the  impious  usurers  in 
large  sums,  some  of  whom  having  given  up  their  es- 
tates to  them  for  the  money  they  had  received,  were 
now  oppressed  by  great  want,  some  bound  by  their 
own  sureties  were  pressed  by  the  exactions  of  the 
Treasury  to  satisfy  the  royal  usurers;  some,  too,  of 
those  who  had  taken  the  cross  and  were  on  the  point  of 
starting  for  Jerusalem  were  more  easily  induced  to  de- 
fray the  expenses  of  the  journey  undertaken  for  the 
Lord's  sake  out  of  the  booty  taken  from  the  Lord's 
enemies,  especially  as  they  had  little  fear  of  being 
questioned  for  the  deed  when  they  had  started  on  their 
journey. 

[They  accordingly  plundered  and  burned  the  houses 
of  the  richest  Jews  and  slew  the  occupants.  The  Jews 
took  refuge  in  the  royal  tower  where,  without  arms  or 
provisions,  they  withstood  a  siege  for  several  days. 
Rather  than  abandon  their  faith,  part  of  them  set  fire 
to  the  tower  and  died  by  their  own  hand.  The  rest 
were  promised  safety  if  they  would  accept  Christianity, 
but  on  surrendering  were  immediately  slain.  J 

The  deeds  done  at  York  were  soon  carried  across  the 
sea  to  the  prince,  who  had  guaranteed  peace  and  secur- 
ity to  the  Jews  in  his  kingdom  after  the  rising  at  Lon- 


120  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

don.  He  is  indignant  and  in  a  rage  both  for  the  insult 
to  his  royal  majesty  and  for  the  great  loss  to  the  treas- 
ury, for  to  the  treasury  belonged  whatever  the  Jews, 
who  are  known  to  be  the  royal  usurers,  seem  to  possess 
in  the  way  of  goods.  Soon  giving  a  mandate  to  the 
Bishop  of  Ely  [William  Longcamp]  the  Royal  Chancel- 
lor and  regent  of  the  Kingdom,  that  such  a  great  deed 
of  daring  should  be  punished  with"  a  suitable  revenge, 
the  said  bishop,  a  man  of  fierce  mind  and  eager  for 
glory,  comes  to  the  city  of  York  about  Ascension  day 
[May  3]  with  an  army,  and  began  an  inquiry  to  the 
great  fear  of  the  burgesses.  But  the  chief  and  best 
known  actors  of  the  deeds  done,  leaving  everything 
they  had  in  the  country,  fled  before  his  face  to  Scotland. 
—William  of  Newbury.  (pp.  117,  131). 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Did  William  of  Newbury  sympathize  entirely  with 
the  persecutions  against  the  Jews?  2.  What  does  he 
give  as  the  motives  of  them?  3.  Did  he  dislike  the 
Jews?  4.  Why?  5.  Is  the  crusading  spirit  clearly  to 
be  detected  in  these  persecutions?  6.  Why  was  the 
king  angry?  7.  Did  the  Jews  sometimes  carry  them- 
selves insolently? 

GENERAL  QUESTIONS 

1.  Can  you  suggest  reasons  why  the  medieval  Jews 
were  not  liked  (a)  by  the  clergy,  (6)  by  the  nobility,  (c) 
by  the  common  people? 

2.  How  did  the  king  profit  by  the  presence  of  the 
Jews?    Make  the  answers  very  fulL 


European  History  Studies 

F.  M.  FLING,  PH.D.,  EDITOR. 


Vol.  II.  No.  8.  APRIL,  1899 


CIVILIZATION  DURING  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


THE  RISE  OF  CITIES. 


SELECTIONS  MADE 


GUERNSEY  JONES,  Pn.D., 

UNIVERSITY  OP  NEBRASKA 


J.  H.  MILLER,  Publisher, 

LINCOLN,    NEBRASKA 


Yearly  Subscription,  40  cents  Single  Copy,  5  cents 

Ten  or  more  subscriptions  to  one  address,  30  cents 


PUBLISHED  MONTHLY,  EXCEPT  JULY  AND  AUGUST 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  the  Post  Office,  Lincoln.  Nebraska 
U.  8.  A. 


EUROPEAN  HISTORY  STUDIES. 


CIVILIZATION    DURING    THE    MIDDLE 
AGES. 

The  Rise  of  Cities 

Zeller,  B.  et  Lnchaire,  A.  Les  Capetiens  du  XII  esiecle. 
Louis  VI  et  Louis  VII.  Paris,  1882.  In  the  series 
1'Histoire  de  France  racontee  par  les  con  tern  porains. 

r  I  ^HERE  is  such  a  diversity  in  the  charters 
of  medieval  cities  that  the  student  will 
find  it  impossible  to  generalize  upon  the 
movement  as  a  whole  from  the  few  examples 
here  placed  before  him.  Not  only  do  the  cities 
of  the  different  parts  of  Europe  differ  widely  in 
origin  and  in  organization,  but  even  in  the  same 
locality  uniformity  is  hardly  to  be  looked  for. 
Indeed,  so  great  is  the  diversity  and  so  confused 
are  the  types  that  historians  have  not  yet  dis- 
covered a  satisfactory  scheme  of  c  assification. 
The  system  now  in  vogue  makes  a  distinction 
between  communes,  which  have  wrested  more 
or  less  political  autonomy  and  local  government 
from  the  lords,  and  those  cities  not  communes, 
miles  de  bourgeoisie,  which  have  not  become  po- 
litical entities  at  all,  but  whose  citizens,  as  indi- 
viduals, have  received  commercial,  fiscal,  and 
other  concessions,  sometimes  of  very  great 
value.  A  special  kind  of  mile  de  bourgeoisie  is 
the  ville-neuf,  purposely  founded  by  some  lord 
upon  his  domain  for  the  purpose  of  adding  to  his 
resources.  These  three  sorts  are  illustrated  in 
the  following  pages,  yet  the  illustrations  may  be 
taken  as  types  only  with  the  understanding  that 
there  is  a  very  great  diversity  within  each  type 
and  that  some  charters  can  not  satisfactorily  be 


THE  RISE  OF  CITIES.  123 

classed  according  to  this  system  at  all.  Some 
historians  have  gone  to  the  length  of  saying 
that  in  fact  there  are  as  many  different  types  as 
there  are  charters.  This,  however,  is  clearly  an 
exaggeration.  It  was  a  common  custom  to  take 
the  charter  of  some  city  as  a  model  in  making 
grants  to  others,  and  it  was  usual,  sometimes 
obligatory,  for  the  offspring  to  appeal  to  the 
mother-city  for  explanations  or  interpretations 
of  obscure  provisions  in  the  charter.  Thus  the 
celebrated  charter  of  Lorris,  which  follows,  was 
widely  adopted  over  northern  France,  and  that 
of  Soissons,  also  given  below,  spread  through- 
out the  Duchy  of  Burgundy. 

While  the  student  will  be  able  to  analyze 
the  forces  involved  in  the  rise  of  a  single  city, 
it  is  clear  from  this  diversity  that  he  can  not  be 
sure  that  his  observations  hold  good  for  more 
than  the  particular  instance  at  hand.  Some  ob- 
servations concerning  the  city  of  Lorris  may 
not  be  true  of  another  city  not  far  distant  For 
these  generalizations,  it  is  necessary  to  turn  to 
some  secondary  account.  The  fifteenth  chapter 
of  Emerton's  Mediaeval  Europe  will  be  found 
to  serve  the  purpose  admirably.  It  will  be  no- 
ticed that  the  following  charters  are  all  from 
one  locality,  the  northern  part  of  France. 

1.   A    MANORIAL     CHARTER,     GRANTED      BY     HENRY 
COUNT  OF  TROYES.      1175  A.D. 

I,  Henry,  Count  of  Troyes,  make  known  to  all  men 
present  and  future,  tnat  I  have  established  the  follow- 
ing customs  for  the  inhabitants  who  shall  come  to  my 
ville-neuve,  near  Pont-sur-Seine.  All  persons  living  in 
the  said  city  shall  pay  each  year  twelve  deniers  and  a 
measure  of  oats  as  the  price  of  his  domicile;  and  if  he 
wishes  to  have  a  portion  of  ground  or  of-  meadow,  he 
shall  pay  four  deniers  rent  per  acre,  and  the  owner 


124:  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIE& 

shall  have  power  to  sell  or  to  transfer  at  will  his  house,     S 
wines  or  meadows.     The  inhabitants  of  the  said  town  ' 
shall  not  be  forced  to  make  war  nor  go  on  any  expedi- 
tion, unless  I  myself  am  at  their  head.     I  grant  them 
besides  the  right  to  have  six  e'c/iewns,  who  shall  ad-     x 
minister  the  common  affairs  of  the  town  and  assist  my  "' 
h  preVOt  in  his  courts.     No  lord,  cavalier  or  other  shall 
take  from  the  town  any  of  its  inhabitants  for  any  rea- 
son whatever,  unless  he  be  his  serf  or  unless  he  owes  him 
arrears  of  his  taille.     Done  at  Proving,   in  the  year 
1175.     (Z.  et  L.,  p.  154,  from  Recueil  des  ordonnances 
des  rois  de  Fr.,  t.  XL,  p.  198.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  concessions  did  the  Count  of  Troyes  make 
to  induce  men  to  come  to  his  new  town?  2.  Were  the 
townsmen  allowed  to  become  proprietors  in  the  sense 
of  controlling  their  property  and  disposing  of  it  at 
will?  3.  Would  a  serf  better  his  condition  in  this  re- 
gard by  becoming  a  townsman?  4.  Were  the  serfs 
free  to  make  use  of  every  opportunity  to  better  their 
conditions?  5.  Did  the  Count  still  retain  his  sover- ' 
eignty  over  the  town;  i.  e.,  did  he  retain  the  right  of 
taxation,  of  military  service,  and  of  administering  jus- 
tice? 6.  By  what  means  did  he  maintain  his  control? 
7.  Can  we  tell  how  the  Gchevins  were  elected?  8.  If 
the  town  grew,  how  would  the  Count  be  richer  and 
stronger? 

2.  CHARTER  OF  THE  TOWN  OP  LORRIS,  GRANTED  BY 
LOUIS  VII.  1155  A.D. 

Louis,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  the  Franks,  etc. 

Be  it  known  to  all  that  whoever  owns  a  house  in  the 
parish  of  Lorris  shall  pay  a  quit  rent  of  six  deniers 
and  no  more  for  his  house  and  each  acre  of  land  which 
he  owns  in  this  parish;  and  if  he  acquire  such  property 
[by  improving  waste  land?]  this  shall  be 'the  amount  of 
rent  due  upon  it. 

No  inhabitant  of  the  parish  of  Lorris  shall  pay  either 
a  tariff  or  any  other  tax  upon  his  food,  nor  shall  he 
pay  any  tax  for  measuring  the  grain  which  his  labor 
brings  him  or  the  labor  of  any  beasts  which  he  may 
have,  nor  shall  he  pay  any  tax  upon  the  wine  which  he 
makes  from  his  vineyards. 

No  inhabitant  shall  be  compelled  to  go  on  an  expe- 
dition afoot  or  by  horse  where  he  may  not  return 
home  the  same  day  if  he  so  desires. 


THE  RISE  OF  CITIES.  125 

No  inhabitant  shall  pay  tolls  as  far  as  Etamps, 
nor  as  far  as  Orleans,  nor  as  far  as  Milly,  which  is  in 
Gatinais,  nor  as  far  as  Melun. 

Whoever  owns  property  in  the  parish  of  Lorris  shall 
not  be  deprived  of  it  for  any  offense  whatever,  unless 
the  offense  be  committed  against  us,  or  our  tenants. 

No  one  shall  be  annoyed  or  arrested  while  going  to 
the  fairs  and  markets  of  Lorris,  or  while  returning 
from  them,  unless  he  has  committed  some  offense  that 
same  day. 

Fines  of  sixty  sous  shall  be  reduced  to  five  sous, 
those  of  five  sous  to  twelve  deniers,  and  the  fee  of  the 
preVdt  in  case  of  complaint  to  four  deniers. 

No  man  of  Lorris  shall  be  obliged  to  quit  Lorris  in 
order  to  plead  in  the  court  of  the  lord  king. 

No  one,  neither  ourselves  nor  anyone  else,  shall  de- 
mand of  the  men  of  Lorris  any  taille  or  exaction. l 

No  one  shall  sell  wine  in  Lorris  with  public  procla- 
mation, 2  except  the  King,  who  shall  sell  his  wine  in  his 
cellar  with  such  proclamation. 

,  We  shall  be  furnished  at  Lorris  fifteen  full  days 
maintenance  for  our  attendants  and  those  of  the  Queen. 

If  anyone  has  had  a  quarrel  with  another,  but  with- 
out being  guilty  of  house-breaking,  and  they  shall 
patch  up  their  quarrel  without  bringing  it  before  the 
pre>6t,  they  shall  not  be  compelled  to  pay  to  us  or  to 
our  pre*v6t  any  fine  by  reason  of  it.  And  if  complaint 
has  been  made,  they  may  nevertheless  agree  between 
themselves,  provided  they  pay  the  fine.  And  if  one  has 
loged  complaint  against  the  other,  and  the  fine  has  not 
yet  been  pronounced  against  the  one  or  the  other,  they 
shall  not  owe  anything  by  reason  of  this,  either  to  our- 
selves or  to  our  pre>6t. 

/  No  man  of  Lorris  shall  labor  for  us  unless  it  be  two 
times  a  year  to  bring  our  wine  to  Orleans,  and  not 
otherwise.  Only  those  shall  perform  this  service  who 

1.  Besides  the  payments  whose  amounts  were  fixed  by  custom, 
there  were  direct   contributions,  the  exactions,  of    which  the 
taille  and  the  tolte,  so  often  mentioned  in  the  royal  charters, 
were  the  chief  sorts.    The  king  collected  them  from  the  ten- 
ants of  his  domains  either  at  will  or  at  certain  intervals.    No  tax 
was  more  unpopular.    As  is  well  known,  the  motive  of  the  com- 
munal revolution  was  largely  the  desire  of  the  citizens  and  peas- 
ants to  exchange  the  arbitrary  taille  for  a  payment  fixed  by 
contract.    Hence  this  article  In  the  charter  of  Lorris.  — Z.  et  L. 

2.  Cum  edicto.    While  the  proclamation  lasted  no  wine  could 
be  sold  by  others. 


126  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

have  horses  and  carts,  and  they  shall  receive  previous 
notice;  but  they  shall  not  receive  lodging  from  us. 
The  villains  shall  also  bring  wood  for  our  kitchen. 

No  one  shall  be  kept  in  prison  if  he  is  able  to  furnish 
bail. 

Whoever  wishes  to  sell  his  goods  may  do  so,  and  hav- 
ing received  the  purchase  price,  he  may  leave  the  city 
freely  and  undisturbed  if  he  choose,  unless  he  has 
committed  some  crime  in  the  city. 

Whoever  shall  have  lived  one  year  and  a  day  in  the 
parish  of  Lorris  without  any  demand  having  been  made 
for  him,  and  without  the  privilege  having  been  denied 
him  either  by  us  or  by  our  pre>6t,  shall  remain  here 
free  and  undisturbed. 

No  one  shall  lodge  a  complaint  against  another  ex- 
cept to  recover  or  to  have  observed  what  is  due  him. 
When  the  men  of  Lorris  go  to  Orleans  with  merchan- 
dise, they  shall  pay  on  leaving  the  city  one  denier  for 
their  cart,  unless  they  go  by  reason  of  the  fair.  And  if 
they  go  by  reason  of  the  fair  and  the  market,  they  shall 
pay  on  leaving  Orleans,  four  denier  per  cart,  and  on 
entering,  two  denier. 

The  public  crier  and  the  public  watch  shall  have  no 
right  to  fees  from  weddings  in  Lorris. 

No  peasant  of  the  parish  of  Lorris  cultivating  his 
land  with  a  plow  shall  give  at  harvest  time  more  than 
one  half  measure  of  rye  to  all  the  sergeants  of  Lorris. 

If  some  chevalier  or  sergeant  find  horses  or  other  an- 
imals in  our  forests  belonging  to  the  men  of  Lorris  he 
must  conduct  them  to  the  prevdt  of  Lorris  and  to  ao 
one  else,  and  if  some  animal  of  the  parish  of  Lorria, 
fleeing  from  bulls  or  assailed  by  flies,  enters  our  forest 
or  leaps  over  our  hedges,  the  owner  of  the  animal  shall 
pay  no  fine  to  the  preVCt  if  he  can  swear  that  the  ani- 
mal entered  in  spite  of  his  keeper;  but  if  the  animal 
enters  with  the  knowledge  of  his  keeper,  the  proprietor 
shall  pay  twelve  deniers,  and  so  much  for  each  animal, 
if  there  are  several. 

There  shall  be  at  Lorris  no  payment  for  the  carrying 
of  bread  to  the  ovens. 

There  shall  be  at  Lorris  no  payment  for  the  watch. 
1.  Q  All  men  of  Lorris  who  bring  salt  and  wine  to  Or- 
^  leans  shall  pay  only  one  denier  for  each  cart. 


THE  RISE  OF  CITIES.  127 

3  No  man  of  Lorris  shall  make  payment  to  the  pre>6t 
of  Etampes,  nor  to  the  prevCt  of  Pithiviers,  nor  in  all 
Gatinais. l 

No  one  of  them  shall  pay  toll  on  entering  Ferrieres, 
nor  Chateau-Landon,  nor  Puiseaux  nor  Nibelle. 

The  men  of  Lorris  may  gather  dead  wood  in  the 
forest  for  their  own  use. 

Whoever  in  the  market  of  Lorris  buys  or  sells  some- 
thing and  by  inadvertence  fails  to  pay  the  duty,  may 
make  payment  within  eight  days  without  being  mo- 
lested, if  he  is  able  to  swear  that  he  has  not  retained 
the  money  intentionally. 

No  man  of  Lorris  having  a  house,  a  vinyard,  a 
meadow,  a  field,  or  building  whatsoever  in  the  domains 
of  St.  Benedict,  shall  be  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
abbot  of  Benedict  nor  of  his  sergeant,  unless  it  be  for 
failure  to  pay  the  rent  or  the  sheaves  by  which  the 
property  is  held.  And  in  this  case,  he  shall  not  be 
compelled  to  leave  Lorris  for  trial. 

If  one  of  the  men  of  Lorris  shall  be  accused  of  some- 
thing and  the  matter  cannot  be  proven  by  witnesses, 
he  shall  purge  himself  by  his  own  oath  against  the 
affirmation  of  the  accuser. 

No  man  of  this  parish  shall  pay  any  duty  for  what 
he  buys  or  sells  for  his  own  use  in  ihe  territory  of  the 
banlieu,  nor  for  what  he  buys  at  the  Wednesday 
market. 

These  customs  are  granted  to  the  men  of  Lorris,  and 
they  are  the  same  as  those  granted  to  the  men  who  live 
at  Courtpalais.at  Chanteloup,  and  in  the  bailiwick  of 
Harpard. 

We  ordain  that  every  time  the  pre*v6t  is  changed  in 
the  city,  he  shall  swear  to  observe  faithfully  these  cus- 
toms and  the  new  sergeants  shall  do  the  same  every 
time  they  are  installed.  (Z.  et  L.,  p.  147,  from  Loysel, 
Memoires  de  JBeauvaiz,  p.  271,  translated  by  Guizot. ) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Are  the  provisions  of  this  charter  arranged  logic- 
ally? 2.  Are  not  certain  trivial  matters  mentioned 
and  other  essential  ones  omitted?  3.  How  do  you  ac- 

1.  They  should  make  payments  only  to  the  prevot  of  Lorris.  The 
purpose  of  this  provision  is  to  prevent  prevots  from  encroach- 
ng  upon  each  others  territory.— Z.  et  L. 


128 


EUROPEAN   HISTORY    STUDIES. 


^r-4 


count  for  these  peculiarities  of  form?  4.  What  is  the 
character  of  the  concessions  made  to  the  men  of  Lorris? 
Were  they  political?  5.  Is  there  any  concession  made 
to  the  town  of  Lorris  as  such,  apart  from  the  individual 
townsmen?  6.  Is  there  mention  of  any  government 
except  that  of  the  King's  officials?  7.  What  were  the- 
King's  officers  called  ?  ,8.  Did  the  King  relinquish  the 
right  to  the  military  services  of  his  subjects?  9.  Did 
he  still  tax  the  townsmen  directly,  or  did  the  town  pay 
the  King  a  lump  sum?  10.  Did  the  King  retain  the 
-right  of  administering  justice?  11.  Cite  some  admir- 
able provisions  governing  the  administration  of  justice. 
12.  Is  it  the  King's  purpose  to  encourage  or  discourage 
the  growth  of  Lorris?  13.  Is  it  the  King's  purpose  to 
encourage  or  discourage  trade  and  industry?  14. 
Where  is  Lorris?  Was  it  on  the  King's  own  domain, 
or  on  the  domain  of  an  unruly  vassal?  15.  What  was 
the  King's  purpose  in  making  these  liberal  concessions? 
16.  Prepare  a  short  outline,  showing  the  concessions 
made  to  the  men  of  Lorris. 

3.    ORIGIN  OP  THE  COMMUNE  OF  L.AON.     1108-1115    A..D. 

Thefts  and  depredations  were  committed  publicly  by 
the  first  citizens  of  the  town  or  "by  their  domestics,  so 
that  no  one  could  walk  the  streets  in  safety  at  night  but 
must  expect  at  any  moment  to  be  plundered,  taken 
prisoner,  or  slain.  The  clergy,  with  the  archdeacons 
and  the  lords,  having  considered  these  things  and  seek- 
ing an  opportunity  to  wring  money  from  the  people, 
sent  messengers  to  them  offering  to  consent  to  the  for- 
mation of  a  commune,  if  they  would  give  sufficient 
money  for  the  license.  But  a  commune  (new  and  ex- 
ecrable word!)  consists  in  this:  that  the  tributaries 
shall  be  obliged  to  pay  only  once  a  year  to  their  masters 
the  accustomed  fj^ThtLof;  servitude;  if  they  commit  an 
offense  they  shall  be  punished  for  it  by  a  fine  fixed  by 
law,  and  they  are  exempted  entirely  from  all  the  other 
tributary  exactions  customarily  demanded  of  serfs. 
When  this  opportunity  to  purchase  their  freedom  oc- 
curred, the  people  sacrificed  all  the  heaps  of  money 
which  they  had  in  reserve  for  the  purpose  of  closing 
these  insatiable  mouths,  and  these  mouths,  satisfied  by 
such  a  rich  feast,  took  oath  to  keep  faith  in  this  trans- 
action. (Z.  et  L.,  p.  140,  from  Guibert  de  Nogent,  t 
XII.,  p.  250.) 


jf/j^ 


THE  BLSE  OF  CITIES.  129 


QUESTION'S 

1  Compare  the  motives  of  these  lords  and  clergy 
w.th  the  motives  of  the  Court  of  Troyes  and  Louis  VII. 
above.  2.  Compare  the  method  of  collecting  money 
from  the  townsmen.  3.  Did  the  lords  and  clergy  wei 
come  the  formation  of  this  commune?  4.  Why  were 
the  townsmen  willing  to  pay  dearly  for  their  charter? 
What  advantages  had  they  over  the  neighboring  peas- 
ants? 

4.   ESTABLISHMENT  OF    THE  COMMUNE  OF  SOISSONS 
BY  LOUIS  VI.      1126  A.  D. 

All  the  men  living  within  the  walls  of  the  city  of 
Soissons  and  without  the  walls  in  the  suburb,  to  what- 
ever manor  they  may  belong,  shall  take  oath  to  the 
commune;  and  if  any  one  of  them  refuse,  those  who 
shall  have  taken  the  oath  shall  exercise  justice  over  his 
house  and  his  money. 

All  the  men  living  within  the  boundaries  of  the  com- 
mune shall  render  mutual  aid  to  each  other  to  the  ex- 
tent of  their  ability,  and  not  permit  anyone  to  carry 
anything  away  or  to  collect  taxes  from  any  one  of  them. 

When  the  clock  shall  summon  the  commune  to  as- 
sembly, ony  one  who  fails  to  appear  shall  pay  a  fine  of 
twelve  deniers. 

If  any  one  of  the  commune  has  committed  an  offence 
in  anything  and  refuses  to  give  satisfaction  before  the 
aldermen,  the  men  of  the  commune  shall  do  justice  in 
the  case. 

The  men  of  this  commune  shall  take  to  wife  the 
women  whom  they  desire,  after  having  demanded  per- 
mission of  the  lords  to  whom  the  women  belong;  but 
if  the  lords  refuse,  and  if  without  the  consent  of  the 
lord  some  one  marries  a  woman  belonging  to  another 
manor,  the  fine  which  he  shall  pay  in  this  case  on  the 
complaint  of  her  lord,  shall  be  five  sols  only. 

If  a  stranger  brings  his  bread  and  his  wine  into  the 
city  as  a  place  of  security  and  afterwards  a  difference 
arises  between  his  lord  and  the  men  of  this  commune, 
he  shall  have  fifteen  days  in  which  to  sell  his  bread 
and  his  wine  in  the  city  and  take  away  the  money, 
un  less  he  has  committed  some  crime  or  has  been  ac- 
complice in  some  crime. 

If  the  bishop  of  Soissons  sends  inadvertently  into  the 


130  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

city  a  man  who  has  injured  a  member  of  this  com- 
mune, he  may  recall  him  this  time,  after  being  ad- 
vised that  the  man  is  an  enemy  of  the  commune,  but 
he  shall  not  send  him  again  in  any  capacity,  except 
with  the  consent  of  those  who  are  given  the  authority 
of  the  commune. 

All  forfeiture  except  offenses  against  the  commune, 
shall  be  punished  by  a  fine  of  5  sols.  (Z.  et  L.,  p.  141, 
from  Recueil  des  ordonnances  des  rois  de  France,  t.  XL, 
p.  219.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Had  the  commune  a  government  of  its  own?  2. 
How  was  it  organized?  3.  Is  there  any  mention  of  a 
royal  officer  residing  in  the  city?  4.  Is  it  clear  how 
the  magistrates  were  chosen  ?  5.  Had  the  commune  an 
esprit  de  corps?  6.  Did  the  commune  include  every 
one  living  within  its  limits?  7.  Why  should  a  lord 
object  to  one  of  his  serfs  marrying  a  man  of  the  com- 
mune? 8.  Were  strangers  encouraged  to  carry  on 
their  business  in  the  city? 

5.   LOUIS  VII.  CONFIRMS  AND  GUARANTEES  THE  CHAR- 
TER TO  THE  (JOMMUNE  OF  BEAUVAIS.      1144  A.  D. 

In  the  name  of  the  Holy  and  Invisible  Trinity,  we, 
Louis,  by  the  Grace  of  God  King  of  the  Franks  and 
Duke  of  the  Aquitanians,  make  known  to  all,  present 
and  future,  that  we  grant  and  confirm,  saving  the 
fealty  due  us,  in  the  same  manner  as  has  been  insti- 
tuted and  sworn,  and  with  the  same  customs,  the 
charter  given  a  long  time  before  by  our  father  Louis 
to  the  men  of  Beauvais.  These  customs  are  as  follows :- 

All  the  men  living  within  the  walls  of  the  city  and 
in  the  suburbs,  to  what  ever  lord  the  land  upon  which 
they  dwell  may  belong,  shall  take  oath  to  the  com- 
mune, unless  some  of  them  abstain  by  the  advice  of 
the  peers1  and  of  those  who  have  taken  oath  to  the 
commune. 

In  all  the  extent  of  the  city,  each  shall  succor  the 
others  loyally  according  to  his  power. 

If  any  one  shall  do  injury  to  a  man  who  has  taken 
oath  to  this  commune,  the  peers  of  the  commune,  if 
complaint  is  made  to  them,  shall  according  to  their 
judgment  do  justice  to  his  body  and  his  goods,  unless 

I.  Those  who  administer  the  commune. 


THE  RISE  OP  CITIES.  131 

he  shall  make  good  the  injury  according  to  their 
judgment. 

If  he  who  has  committed  the  injury  shall  take  refuge 
in  some  strong  castle,  the  peers  of  the  commune  shall 
confer  with  the  lord  of  the  castle,  or  whoever  may  be 
in  his  place,  concerning  the  matter,  and  if  satisfaction 
is  made  to  them  by  the  enemy  of  the  commune,  accord- 
ing to  their  judgment  this  shall  be  sufficient.  But  if 
the  lord  refuses  satisfaction,  they  shall  seize  his  goods 
or  his  men  according  to  their  judgment. 

If  some  stranger  merchant  comes  to  Beauvais  for  the 
market,  and  some  one  does  him  an  injury  within  the 
limits  of  the  banlieu,  and  complaint  is  made  before 
the  peers,  and  the  merchant  is  able  to  find  the  guilty 
party  in  the  city,  the  peers  shall  give  him  assistance  ac- 
cording to  their  judgment,  unless,  however,  this  mer- 
chant should  be  an  enemy  of  the  commune. 

And  if  the  guilty  party  retires  to  some  strong  castle, 
and  the  merchant  or  the  peers  send  to  him,  if  he 
makes  amends  to  the  merchant  or  proves  that  he  did 
not  do  him  the  injury,  the  commune  shall  be  content 
in  the  matter;  but  if  he  does  neither  the  one  nor  the 
other,  justice  shall  be  done  to  him  according  to  the 
judgment  of  the  peers  if  he  is  captured  in  the  city. 

No  one  except  us  or  our  senechal  shall  have  power  to 
send  into  the  city  a  man  who  has  done  injury  to  any 
one  of  the  commune  without  having  made  amends  ac- 
cording to  the  judgment  of  the  peers.  And  if  the 
bishop  of  Beauvais  himself  shall  send  by  mistake  into 
the  city  a  man  who  has  done  injury  to  some  one  of  the 
commune,  he  shall  not  send  him  here  again  after  this 
has  been  made  known  to  him,  unless  by  the  consent  of 
the  peers;  but  for  this  time  he  shall  have  power  to  re- 
call him,  safe  and  sound. 

If  the  bishop  of  Beauvais  is  on  the  point  of  going  to 
our  ^  three  courts1  or  to  the  army,  he  shall  take  each 
time  only  three  horses,  and  shall  not  demand  them  of 
strangers  in  the  commune;  and  if  he  wishes  to  send  us 
some  fish  from  time  to  time,  he  shall  take  only  one 
horse  for  this  purpose. 

No  member  of  the  commune  shall  give  or  lend  his 

l.  General  assemblies  usually  held  at  Christmas,  Easter,  and  Pen 
teoost.—  Z.  et  L. 


132  EUROPEAN    HISTORY   STUDIES. 

money  to  enemies  of  the  commune  while  it  is  at  war 
with  them,  because  if  he  does  this,  he  shall  be  guilty  of 
perjury,  and  if  someone  is  convicted  of  having  given  or 
lent  anything  whatever  to  them,  justice  shall  be  done 
in  the  manner  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  peers. 

And  if  it  comes  to  pass  that  the  commune  marches 
outside  the  city  against  its  enemies,  no  one  shall  speak 
with  them  except  by  permission  of  the  peers. 

The  men  of  the  commune  shall  have  a  care  to  place 
their  provisions  under  a  faithful  guard  within  the  lim- 
its of  the  city,  because  if  the  provisions  are  seized 
without  the  city,  the  commune  cannot  reclaim  them 
unless  the  thief  is  captured  in  the  city. 

Concerning  the  exposure  of  cloth  for  sale-  The 
stakes  for  suspending  it  shall  be  fastened  to  the  ground 
at  equal  heights,  and  if  any  one  makes  complaint  con- 
cerning this  subject,  justice  shall  be  done  according  to 
the  judgment  of  the  peers. 

Every  member  of  the  commune  is  to  be  very  sure  of 
himself  when  he  lends  money  to  a  stranger;  because  no 
one  can  be  arrested  for  this,  unless  the  debtor  has  bail 
in  the  city. 

The  peers  of  the  commune  shall  swear  to  favor  no 
one  on  account  of  friendship,  and  to  condemn  no  one 
on  account  of  enmity,  and  to  do  equal  justice  in  all 
things  according  to  their  best  judgment.  All  others 
shall  swear  to  observe  the  decisions  of  the  peers  and 
execute  them. 

As  for  us,  we  grant  and  confirm  the  jurisdiction  and 
decisions  which  the  peers  shall  make,  and  in  order  that 
these  things  may  be  fixed  in  the  future,  we  have  per- 
mitted them  to  be  put  in  writing,  and  have  furnished 
them  with  the  authority  of  our  seals  and  to  corrobo 
rate  them  by  writing  below  our  name. 

Done  publicly  at  Paris,  in  the  year  1144  of  the  Incar- 
nation of  the  Virgin,  of  our  reign  the  eighteenth,  being 
present  in  our  palace  those  whose  names  and  seals  are 
inscribed  below  t  Raoul.  Count  of  Verniandois,  our 
Seneschal;  Mathieu,  Chamberlain;  Mathieu,  Constable; 
William,  Cup-bearer  Done  by  the  hand  of  Cadurc, 
Chancellor.  (Z.  et  L.,  p.  144.) 


THE  RISE  OF  CITIES.  133 


QUESTIONS 

1.  How  was  Beauvais  governed?  2.  Did  the  com- 
mune include  every  one  living  within  its  limits?  3. 
Could  the  commune  make  war?  4.  What  are  the  evi- 
dences of  a  strong  esprit  de  corps?  5.  Were  strangers 
protected  in  the  city  and  encouraged  to  do  business 
there?  6.  What  were  the  territorial  limits  of  the 
criminal  jurisdiction  of  the  commune?  7.  What  pro- 
visions are  common  in  the  charters  of  Beauvais  and 


of  Soissons?     8.  Have  both  communes  made   them-  1 


selves  nearly  independent  of  their  bishops? 


6.    LOUIS     VII.    REPROACHES  THE  CITIZENS  OF  REIMS 
FOR  THEIR  USURPATIONS.      1139  A.D. 

To  the  mayor  and  to  the  conrnune  of  Reims,  Louis, 
by  the  grace  of  God  King  of  the  Franks  and  Duke  of 
the  Aquitanians,  grace  and  favor 

It  is  very  painful  to  as  to  see  that  you  do  what  no 
other  commune  has  dared  to  do.  You  overstep  in  all 
points  the  limitations  of  the  commune  of  Laon,  which 
has  been  given  to  you  as  model,  and  have  done  that 
which  we  have  expressly  prohibited  you  to  do,  that  is, 
to  incorporate  into  your  commune  outside  districts  or 
villages.  You  have  done  this  with  audacity  and  bold- 
ness. The  customary  revenues  of  the  Church,  pos- 
sessed by  her  since  several  centuries,  you  either  collect 
yourselves,  or  by  the  authority  of  your  commune  have 
prohibited  the  subjects  to  pay.  You  either  destroy 
entirely  or  you  diminish  the  liberties,  the  customs 
and  jurisdictions  belonging  to  the  churches  of  Reins, 
and  especially  those  of  the  canons  of  the  church  of  St. 
Mary,  which  is  now  in  our  hands  and  has  no  other  de- 
fenders than  us.  Besides,  you  have  forced  the  ser- 
geants of  the  canons,  who  are  under  the  same  priv- 
ileges as  their  masters,  to  pay  ransoms.  You  have 
imprisoned  several  of  them,  and  some  do  not  even  dare 
to  leave  the  church  from  fear  of  you.  In  view  of  these 
excesses,  we  have  already  commanded  you  and  we  now 
command  and  order  you  to  keep  the  peace  towards  them, 
and  to  restore  what  you  have  taken  from  them,  and  to 
respect  in  their  entirety,  the  jurisdictions,  laws  and 
franchises  of  the  churches  and  of  the  canons.  Farewell. 
(Z.  et  L.,  p.  142,  from  Histor.  de  France,  t.  XVI.  p.  5.; 


134  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 


QUESTIONS 

1.  Of  what  usurpation  were  the  citizens  of  Reims  ac- 
cused? 2.  Why  was  it  natural  for  the  city  to  come 
into  conflict  with  the  clergy? 

GENERAL  EXERCISES 

1.  Cite  as  many  passages  as  you  can  to  illustrate  the 
old  proverb,  "  City  air  makes  free." 

2.  Explain  why  some  lords  favored"  the  growth  of 
towns  on  their  domains,  while  others  opposed  them 
bitterly. 

3.  Make  a  very  careful  comparison  of  the  charters  of 
Lorris  and  Beauvais,  showing  what  they  have  in  com- 
mon and  wherein  they  differ. 


European  History  Studies 

F.  M.  FLING,  PH.D.,  EDITOR. 


Vol.  II.  No.  9.  MAY,  1899 


CIVILIZATION  DURING  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


THE  TRADES  OF  PARIS. 


SELECTIONS  MADE 

BY 

GUERNSEY  JONES,  Pn.D., 

UNIVERSITY  OF  NEBRASKA 


J.  H.  MILLER,  Publisher, 

LINCOLN,   NEBRASKA 


Yearly  Subscription,  40  cents  Single  Copy,  5  cents 

Ten  or  more  subscriptions  to  one  address,  30  cents 


PUBLISHED  MONTHLY,  EXCEPT  JULY  AND  AUGUST 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  the  Post  Office,  Lincoln,  Nebraska 
U.  8.  A. 


EUROPEAN  HISTORY  STUDIES. 

CIVILIZATION    DURING    THE    MIDDLE 
AGES. 

The  Trades  of  Paris  ca.   126O. 

Zeller  B.  Philippe  le  Hardi.  Moeurs  et  institutions 
du.  XIII.  siecle.  Paris,  1884.  In  the  series  1'His- 
toire  de  France  raconte"e  par  les  contemporains. 

THE  livre  des  metiers  of  Paris  owes  its 
origin  to  Etienne  Boileau,  whom  Louis 
IX.  appointed  prevot  of  Paris  in  1258. 
Ever  since  the  office  of  prevot  had  become  venal, 
Paris  had  suffered  so  greatly  from  lawlessness 
and  maladministration  that  the  necessity  of  some 
sort  of  reform  was  evident.  Louis  IX.  remod- 
elled.the  jurisdiction  of  the  prevostship  to  in- 
clude the  police  of  Paris  and  the  administra- 
tion of  justice,  and  appointed  Etienne  Boileau 
to  the  post.  The  choice  proved  to  be  a  wise 
one.  Etienne  Boileau  was  a  prominent  burg- 
her of  Paris,  of  the  class  which  had  suffered 
greatly  from  the  recent  disorders.  In  a  short 
time  order  had  been  restored. 

It  was  in  the  course  of  his  efforts  to  restore 
order  that  Etienne  Boileau  called  before  him 
the  masters  of  the  various  trades  of  Paris  and 
took  their  depositions  concerning  the  tradi- 
tional practices  and  rules  which  governed  the 
trades.  These  depositions  were  immediately 
written  down  by  a  clerk,  and  some  of  them  re- 
tain the  form  of  an  address  to  the  pre*vot,  the 
form  in  which  a  deposition  would  very  natur- 
ally be  made.  They  fix  the  relations  of  the 
trade  with  the  king's  officers,  the  amount  of 
services  and  taxes  owing  to  the  king,  the  priv- 


THE  TRADES  OF  PARIS.  139 

ileges  which  they  have  acquired,  rules  for 
enforcing  honesty  and  honor  among  the  trades- 
men, and  other  matters.  It  will  be  noticed,  how- 
ever, that  Etienne  Boileau  did  not  invent  or 
promulgate  these  rales.  He  merely  codified 
the  traditional  usages  and  customs  according  to 
which  the  trades  had  long  been  governed. 

1.     OP    THE    MASONS,   STONE-CUTTERS,   PLASTERERS, 
AND  MORTARERS 

Any  one  who  desires  may  be  mason  in  Paris  provided 
he  knows  the  trade  and  observes  its  usages  and  cus- 
toms, which  are  as  follows; 

No  one  shall  have  more  than  one  apprentice  in  his 
trade,  and  if  he  has  an  apprentice,  he  shall  engage  him 
for  not  less  than  six  years'  service,  but  of  course  he 
may  engage  him  for  a  longer  term  of  service  and  for 
more  money,  if  he  can  get  them.  If  he  engage  him  for 
less  than  six  years,  he  shall  be  fined  twenty  sous  of 
Paris,  to  be  paid  to  the  chapel  of  our  lord  St.  Blaise, 
except  it  be  his  sons,  born  in  lawful  wedlock,  and  these 
alone. 

The  mason  however  may  take  another  apprentice  as 
soon  as  the  first  apprentice  shall  have  completed  five 
years,  whatever  the  term  may  be  for  which  he  engaged 
the  first  apprentice. 

The  present  king,  whom  God  prosper,  has  given  the 
guardianship  of  the  masons  to  master  William  of  St. 
Patu,  so  long  as  it  shall  please  him.  The  same  Master 
William  swore  at  Paris,  in  the  rooms  of  the  palace 
above  said,  that  to  the  extent  of  his  power  he  would 
ably  and  honorably  administer  the  said  trade,  as  well 
for  the  poor  as  for  the  rich,  for  the  weak  as  for  the 
strong,  so  long  as  it  should  please  the  king  to  entrust 
him  with  the  administration  of  the  said  trade.  Then 
Master  William  took  the  oath  in  the  said  form  in  the 
presence  of  the  prevot  of  Paris,  at  the  Chatelet. 

The  mortarers  and  the  plasterers  are  of  the  same  con- 
dition and  have  the  same  laws  as  the  masons  in  all 
matters. 

The  master  who  administers  the  trade  of  masons, 
mort&jers,  and  plasterers  of  Paris  in  the  king's  name 


140  EUROPEAN    HISTORY    STUDIES. 

may  have  two  apprentices,  but  no  more,  in  the  manner 
aforesaid,  but  if  he  shall  take  more  than  this  number, 
he  shall  be  fined  as  provided  above. 

The  masons,  the  mortarers  and  the  plasterers  may 
have  as  many  workmen  and  assistants  in  their  trade  as 
they  please. 

All  the  masons,  all  the  mortarers,  all  the  plasterers 
shall  swear  by  the  Saints  that  they  will'keep  and  observe 
truly  and  honorably  every  rule  of  the  said  trade,  and  if 
they  know  of  anyone  who  is  remiss  in  any  matter,  who 
does  not  observe  these  usages  and  customs  aforesaid, 
they  shall  inform  the  master  of  the  trade  every  time 
that  they  shall  know  of  it,  and  upon  their  oath. 

The  master  of  an  apprentice  who  has  finished  and 
completed  his  term  shall  go  before  the  master  of  the 
trade  and  give  notice  that  the  apprentice  has  completed 
his  term  satisfactorily  and  honorably.  Then  the  master 
who  administers  the  trade  shall  administer  the  oath  to 
the  apprentice  by  the  Saints  that  he  will  observe  the 
usages  and  customs  of  the  trade  truly  and  honorably. 

No  one  shall  carry  on  the  said  trade  after  the  sound- 
ing of  the  nineth  hour  at  Notre  Dame  during  Char- 
nage,1  and  on  Saturdays  during  Lent  after  the  chant- 
ing of  vespers  at  Notre  Dame,  unless  it  be  to  finish  an 
arch  or  a  stairway,  or  to  close  a  door  opening  on  the 
street.  And  if  any  one  shall  work  after  the  hours 
aforesaid,  except  for  the  purposes  mentioned  or  in 
case  of  necessity,  he  shall  pay  a  fine  of  four  deniers  to 
the  master  who  administers  the  trade,  and  on  a  repeti- 
tion of  the  offense,  the  master  may  deprive  him  of  the 
tools  of  the  trade. 

The  mortarers  and  plasterers  are  under  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  master  who  administers  the  said  trade  in 
the  king's  name. 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  was  necessary  in  order  to  become  a  mason 
in  Paris?  2.  Could  masons  from  other  cities  move  to 
Paris  with  their  trades?  3.  What  possible  motives 
could  ..the  trades  have  had  in  limiting  the  number  of 
apprentices  and  extending  their  term  of  service?  4. 
During  the  period  of  apprenticeship,  did  the  master  pay 
the  apprentice  for  his  services,  or  the  apprentice  pay 
the  master  for  his  instruction?  (infra)  5.  Were  the 

1.  The  time  of  the  year  in  which  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
permits  the  eating  of  meat. 


THE  TRADES  OF  PAEI9. 


employera  ever  limited  in  the  number  of  workmen 
they  might  employ?  (infra)  6.  Was  there  any  restric- 
tion upon  the  hours  of  labor?  7.  In  what  relation  did 
the  trade  stand  to  the  king?  8.  What  powers  were 
exercised  by  the  master  who  administered  the  trade? 
9.  Was  this  regime  likely  to  be  as  oppressive  as  the  ad- 
ministration of  a  royal  officer  not  of  the  trade?  10. 
Were  a  number  of  allied  trades  sometimes  included  in 
the  same  organization? 

2.   OF  THE  WEAVERS  OF  WOOL 

No  one  may  be  weaver  of  wool  in  Paris  until  he  has 
bought  the  trade  from  the  king;  and  he  who  has  bought 
the  prerogative  of  the  king,  sells  the  trade  in  the 
king's  name,  to  the  one  dearer,  to  the  other  cheaper, 
according  as  it  seems  to  him  good. 

No  weaver  of  wool  nor  any  one  else  shall  or  ought 
have  a  weaver's  shop  within  the  banlieu  of  Paris,  un- 
less he  knows  how  to  ply  the  trade  with  his  own  hand, 
except  he  be  the  son  of  a  master 

Every  weaver  of  wool  in  Paris  may  have  two  wide 
looms  and  one  narrow  in  his  house,  but  none  outside  of 
his  house. 

Every  son  of  a  master-  weaver  of  wool,  so  long  as  he  is 
under  the  guardianship  of  his  father  or  of  his  mother, 
that  is  to  say  so  long  as  he  has  not,  and  has  not  had  a 
wife,  may  have  two  wide  looms  and  one  narrow  in  the 
house  of  his  father,  if  he  knows  how  to  ply  the  trade 
with  his  own  hands,  and  he  shall  not  be  called  upon  to 
pay  for  the  night-watch  nor  any  other  tax,  nor  to  buy 
his  trade  from  the  king  so  long  as  he  is  under  this 
guardianship. 

Every  weaver  of  wool  may  have  in  his  house  one  of 
his  brothers  and  one  of  his  nephews,  and  for  each  of 
these  two  wide  looms  and  one  narrow,  provided  that 
the  brother  and  nephew  ply  the  trade  with  their  own 
hands;  but  immediately  that  he  lets  them  go,  he  cannot 
keep  the  looms.  The  brother  and  nephew  are  not  re- 
quired to  buy  the  trade  from  the  king,  nor  to  serve 
on  the  night-watch,  nor  to  pay  the  taille,  so  long  as 
they  are  under  the  guardianship  of  their  brother  and 
uncle. 

No  weaver  of  wool  shall,  by  reason  of  his  minor 
sons,  or  by  reason  of  one  of  his  brothers,  or  one  of  his 
nephews,  have  the  looms  aforesaid  anywhere  except  in 
his  house. 


142  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

No  weaver  shall  maintain  the  looms  mentioned  above 
for  any  one  except  he  be  his  son  of  legal  spouse,  or  his 
brother  or  nephew  born  in  lawful  wedlock. 

Every  weaver  of  wool  may  have  in  his  house  one  ap- 
prentice and  no  more;  but  he  shall  not  engage  him  for 
less  than  four  years  of  service,  and  at  the  rate  of  four 
livres  of  Paris,  or  for  five  years  of  service  and  nine 
sous  of  Paris,  or  for  six  years  of  service  and  twenty 
sous,  or  for  seven  years  without  payment. 

The  master-weaver  may  of  course  contract  with  his 
apprentice  for  a  longer  service  and  more  money,  but  he 
shall  not  contract  with  him  for  less. 

The  apprentice  may  buy  up  the  remainder  of  his 
term  if  the  master  is  willing,  provided  he  has  [already] 
served  four  years;  but  the  master  shall  not  sell  nor  re- 
mit to  him  the  service  until  he  has  served  four  years; 
nor  shall  the  master  take  another  apprentice,  unless 
the  apprentice  takes  flight,  or  marries  or  flees  across 
sea. 

The  master- weaver  of  wool  shall  not  engage  an  ap- 
prentice during  the  four  years  for  which  the  other  ap- 
prentice owes  him  service,  unless  this  apprentice  is  dead, 
or  has  renounced  the  trade  forever;  but  so  soon  as  he 
shall  have  died  or  shall  have  renounced  the  trade,  the 
master  may  engage  another  apprentice,  but  only  in  the 
manner  set  forth  above. 

If  the  apprentice  plays  truant  or  runs  away  through 
his  folly  or  his  sloth,  he  is  bound  to  restore  and  make 
good  to  his  master  all  the  costs  and  losses  which  he 
shall  have  suffered  by  his  fault,  before  he  be  allowed  to 
return  to  his  old  master  or  to  a  new  one. 

Whoever  is  a  weaver  in  Paris  may  dye  in  his  house  in 
all  colors  except  with  woad;  but  he  shall  not  dye  with 
woad  except  in  separate  houses;  since  Queen  Blanche, 
whom  God  absolve,  granted  that  the  trade  of  weavers 
might  have  two  houses  in  which  one  might  ply  the 
trades  of  dyer  and  of  weaver,  and  freely  without  being 
held  to  any  payment  to  the  dyer,  and  that  the  weav- 
ers might  engage  workmen  and  laborers  from  the 
dyers. 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Under  what  conditions  might  one  become  a  weaver 
of  wool  in  Paris?  2.  Did  the  king  sometimes  grant 
away  the  control  of  single  trades?  (infra)  3.  Give  the 


THE  TRADES  OF  PARIS.  143 

rules  governing  apprenticeship.  4.  Are  they  the  same 
as  those  of  the  masons?  5.  What  restrictions  were 
placed  upon  the  extension  of  a  weaver's  business?  7. 
When  did  a  Paris  youth  escape  from  parental  control? 
8.  Did  the  trades  of  Paris  sometimes  encroach  upon 
each  other?  9.  What  authority  fixed  their  limits? 

3.   OF  THE  CARPENTERS 

These  are  the  ordinances  of  the  masters  who  "belong 
to  the  carpentry  of  the  banlieu  of  Paris,  as  Master 
Fouques  of  the  Temple  and  his  predecessors  have  exer- 
cised and  maintained  them  in  times  past;  that  is  to  say, 
carpenters,  door-makers,  coopers,  wheel-wrights,  roof- 
ers, and  all  manner  of  workers  in  wood  with  edge-tools. 

First,  Master  Fouque  of  the  Temple  says  that  when 
the  offices  and  the  administration  of  the  said  trade  was 
given  him,  he  had  all  the  masters  swear  that  they 
would  not  ply  their  trade  from  Saturday  at  the  sound- 
ing of  the  nineth  hour  by  the  great  bell  of  Notre  Dame. 

No  one  of  the  said  trade  shall  take  an  apprentice  for 
less  than  eight  years,  nor  accept  wages  for  the  work  of 
their  apprentice  during  the  first  year,  except  six  deniers 
for  his  expenses  during  the  day:  nor  may  one  have  more 
than  one  apprentice;  nor  may  one  take  another  appren- 
tice until  the  said  first  apprentice  shall  be  in  his  last 
year,  unless  it  be  his  son  or  nephew,  or  those  of  his  wife, 
born  in  lawful  wedlock. 

The  carpenters,  chest-makers  or  door-makers  shall  not 
work  at  night,  except  for  the  king,  or  for  the  queen,  or 
for  their  children,  or  for  the  bishop  of  Paris. 

If  the  aforesaid  Master  Fouques  finds  carpenters, 
chest-makers  or  door-makers  working  on  Saturday 
after  the  sounding  of  the  ninth  hour  by  the  great  bell 
of  Notre  Dame,  he  shall  have  authority  to  fine  them 
twelve  deniers,  or  confiscate  their  tools. 

Moreover,  the  said  Master  Fouques  shall  cause  the 
wheel-wrights  to  take  oath  that  they  will  put  no  axle- 
trees  in  carts  which  are  not  so  strong  that  they  would 
be  willing  to  have  them  put  in  their  carts  if  they  were 
drivers. 

At  the  time  of  the  said  Master  Fouques  and  of  his 
predecessors,  all  kinds  of  workers  with  edge-tools,  that 
is  to  say,  coopers,  coachmakers,  boat-builders,  turners, 
panel-makers,  roofers  and  all  other  workers  who  be- 


144  EUROPEAN    HISTORY   STUDIES. 

long  to  the  carpentry,  shall  govern  themselves,  and  it 
was  so  established  that  if  one  of  the  laborers  of  the 
trades  aforesaid  should  be  summoned  before  the  said 
Master  Fouques  and  shall  fail  to  come,  that  he  shall 
pay  four  deniers  five  a  day;  and  that  the  said  Master 
Fouques  might  establish  one  man  in  each  trade,  whom- 
ever he  chose,  to  administer  said  trade. 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  was  the  origin  of  the  rules  governing  the 
carpentry  ?  2.  Wherein  do  the  rules  concerning  appren- 
ticeship differ  from  those  governing  the  other  trades? 
3.  What  restrictions  were  placed  upon  the  hours  of 
labor?  4.  Were  there  many  allied  trades  included  in 
this  organization?  5.  How  was  the  carpentry  organ- 
ized and  how  was  it  governed? 

4.    OP  THE  SMITHS1 

No  one  shall  be  blacksmith  in  Paris,  that  is  to  say, 
farrier,  lock  smith,  edge-tool  maker,  who  has  not  bought 
the  trade  of  the  king;  and  the  king's  master- farrier 
sells  it  in  the  king's  name,  to  the  one  dearer,  to  the 
other  cheaper,  according  to  his  pleasure,  as  high  as  five 
sols,  which  five  sols  shall  not  be  exceeded. 

The  king  has  granted  to  his  master-farrier  this  trade 
and  the  jurisdiction  over  it,  so  long  as  it  is  the  king's 
pleasure. 

Whoever  is  of  the  said  trade,  shall  pay  to  the  king 
each  year  six  deniers  at  the  workshop  of  the  royal  far- 
riery, to  be  paid  at  Pentecost,  which  has  been  granted 
to  the  master- farrier  during  the  king's  pleasure,  and 
for  this  the  master- farrier  of  the  king  is  bound  to  shoe 
the  king's  saddle-horses,  and  these  alone,  and  no  other 
horses. 

Whoever  is  of  the  trade  aforesaid,  and  has  bought 
the  trade  in  the  manner  set  forth  above,  is  excused 
from  serving  on  the  night-watch  for  a  year  and  a  day, 
but  no  longer. 

No  one  who  has  bought  the  said  trade  shall  ply  the 
trade  until  he  has  paid  the  purchase  price,  anywhere 
up  to  five  sols,  and  has  taken  oath  to  follow  the  trade 
truly  and  honestly  according  to  the  usages  and  customs 
which  his  predecessors  have  observed  before  him. 

L  Fevres,  workers  In  iron. 


THE  TRADES  OF  PARIS.  145 

The  master  of  tha  trade  shall  receive  this  oath  in 
the  presence  of  the  prud'hommes  of  the  trade. 

Whoever  prefers  to  ply  his  trade  at  his  house  may  do 
so  by  paying  three  sols  a  year  to  the  hauban  of  the 
king. 

Whoever  desires  to  work  at  his  trade  away  from  hia 
house  it  is  necessary  that  he  have  permission  of  the  sur- 
veyor of  roads  in  Paris,  and  he  shall  pay  six  sols  to  the 
hauban  of  the  king  if  he  follows  his  trade  away  from 
his  house. 

Whoever  is  of  the  said  trade  may  engage  as  many 
workmen  and  apprentices  as  he  pleases. 

Blacksmiths,  farriers,  edge-tool  makers,  and  greiffers 
may  work  at  night  if  they  please,  and  all  of  the  trade 
aforesaid,  except  locksmiths  and  cutters. 

The  master- farrier  shall  summon  his  watch  and  shall 
choose  each  year  six  prud'hommes,  which  six  men  are 
required  to  summon  the  watch,  and  are  free  from  their 
service  on  the  watch;  and  the  six  men  and  the  masters 
shall  have>  no  other  profit  from  this. 

No  one  who  has  been  of  the  said  trade  for  nine  years 
shall  be  required  to  serve  on  the  watch,  nor  any  one 
during  the  period  that  his  wife  lies  with  child. 

The  master- farrier  exercises  jurisdiction  over  all  the 
masters  of  the  said  trades,  over  the  workmen  and  over 
the  offenses  connected  with  their  trades,  blacksmiths 
and  others,  and  over  all  accusations  which  they  bring 
against  one  another. 

QUESTIONS 

I.  In  what  relation  did  the  trade  stand  to  the  king? 
2.  Was  it  a  source  of  revenue  to  the  king?  3.  How 
was  it  governed?  4.  What  restrictions  were  placed 
upon  the  exercise  of  the  trade?  5.  What  privileges 
had  the  members  not  found  in  the  previous  extracts? 

5.   OF  THE  BREWERS 

Anyone  who  wishes  may  be  brewer  in  Paris  with  the 
king's  permission  provided  he  will  carry  on  the  trade 
according  to  the  usages  and  customs  of  the  trade 
which  the  prud'hommes  of  the  trade  have  established 
and  ordained  for  honesty  and  honor,  Munich  usages  and 
customs  are  as  follows: 

Whom  the  king  grants  permission  to  brew  at  Paria 


146  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

shall  have  as  many  apprentices  and  sergeants1  as  he 
pleases,  and  may  carry  on  his  trade  by  day  and  by 
night  provided  the  shop  belongs  to  him. 

No  brewer  either  stall  or  ought  make  beer  except 
from  water  and  grain,  that  is  to  say,  of  barley,  of  bar- 
ley and  wheat  mixed,  and  of  malt,  and  if  he  adds 
anything  to  strengthen  it,  as  juniper  (?),  pimento,  or 
pea-grapes,  he  shall  pay  a  fine  to  the  king  of  twenty 
sous  of  Paris  for  each  offense,  and  the  entire  brew 
which  is  made  of  these  things  shall  be  dedicated  to 
charity.  The  prud'hommes  of  the  trade  say  that  not 
all  things  are  good  and  proper  to  put  into  beer,  since 
they  are  unwholesome  and  injurious  for  the  head  and 
for  the  body,  for  the  strong  and  for  the  sick. 

No  one  shall  or  ought  sell  beer  except  in  the  brew- 
ery itself;  for  the  beer  sold  by  the  hawkers  is  not  so 
good  and  pure  as  that  sold  in  the  breweries,  but  sour 
and  stale,  since  they  do  not  understand  how  to  keep  it 
fresh.  And  those  who  do  not  brew  themselves,  but 
who  send  it  to  sell  in  two  or  three  different  parts  of 
Paris,  do  not  sell  it  themselves,  nor  their  wives,  but 
send  their  little  daughters,  even  into  the  foreign  quar- 
ters where  rude  and  fallen  company  gathers.  For 
these  reasons,  the  prud'hommes  of  the  trade  have 
agreed  to  these  rules,  if  it  please  the  king;  and  who- 
ever shall  act  contrary  thereto  shall  pay  to  the  king 
twenty  sols  of  Paris,  for  every  offense;  and  the  beer 
which  is  found  in  such  other  places  shall  be  dedicated 
to  charity. 

The  prud'hommes  of  the  trade  of  brewers  of  Paris  re- 
quest, if  it  please  the  king,  that  the  said  trade  may 
have  two  prud'hommes  sworn  in  the  king's  name, 
which  prud'hommes  shall  take  oath  by  the  Saints  in  the 
presence  of  the  pre>6t  of  Paris,  that  they  will  admin- 
ister truly  and  honestly  the  trade  aforesaid,  and  that 
they  will  make  known  to  the  pre"v6t  or  to  his  officers  at 
the  earliest  possible  moment  any  violations  of  the  rules 
which  they  shall  discover. 

The  brewers  of  Paris  shall  serve  on  the  night-watch 
and  shall  owe  the  taille,  and  the  other  dues  and  services 
which  the  other  burghers  of  Paris  owe  to  the  king. 

1.  Workmen  who  have  served  their  apprenticeship,  but  have 
not  yet  become  masters. 


THE  TRADES  OF  PARIS.          147 

The  brewers  of  Paris  of  nine  years  standing,  those 
who  are  ill,  those  who  have  been  bled,  provided  they 
were  not  summoned  before  the  blood- letting,  those  who 
are  out  of  the  city,  if  they  were  not  summoned  before 
leaving,  or  if  they  did  not  know  of  the  summons,  those 
whose  wives  are  with  child,  are  excused  from  the  night- 
watch,  provided  that  they  give  notice  to  those  who 
superintend  the  night-watch  in  the  king's  name. 

QUESTIONS 

1.  How  was  Paris  policed?  2.  Under  what  condi- 
tions was  the  trade  open  to  new-comers?  3.  Was  it 
usual  for  the  trades  to  allow  an  unlimited  number  of 
apprentices?  4.  Was  it  usual  to  leave  the  hours  of 
labor  unfixed?  5.  Were  the  restrictions  upon  the  man- 
ner of  brewing  intended  for  the  protection  of  the  pro- 
ducer or  consumer?  6.  How  were  the  rules  of  the  trade 
enforced? 

6.      OP  THE   MARKET-DUES  ON  CLOTHS 

Whoever  sells  scarlet  cloth  at  Paris  ID  the  market- 
place or  at  his  house,  shall  pay  two  sous  market-dues 
for  the  sale  of  each  piece,  and  the  purchaser  two  sous, 
if  he  is  not  buying  it  for  his  own  use;  but  if  he  is  buy- 
ing it  for  his  own  use,  he  shall  pay  nothing. 

For  cloth  of  Beauvais,  the  seller  shall  pay  four  de- 
niers  market-dues  and  the  buyer  four  deniers,  unless 
they  are  of  the  fraternity  of  drapers;  but  if  they  are  of 
the  fraternity  of  drapers,  they  shall  pay  for  each  piece 
three  deniers  market-duties. 

The  weavers  who  sell  cloths  at  their  houses  shall  pa 
for  each  piece  which  they  sell  at  their  houses,  provided 
they  have  weaved  it  themselves,  two  deniers  market- 
dues,  and  the  buyer  two  deniers  market-dues  to  the 
lord  under  whom  he  lives,  and  if  they  sell  it  in  market, 
they  shall  pay  six  deniers  market-dues,  and  the  buyer 
six  deniers. 

The  drapers  of  Paris  shall  pay  nine  deniers  for  a 
stall  at  the  fair  of  Saint  Ladre;  for  each  colored  cloth, 
whether  striped  or  not,  sold  outside  the  fair  of  Saint 
Ladre,  twelve  deniers  market-dues  shall  be  paid,  that 
is  to  say,  six  by  the  seller  and  six  by  the  buyer. 

Cloths  of  Chartres  shall  pay  six  deniers  market-dues 
for  each  piece,  that  is  to  say,  three  deniers  from  the 
seller  and  three  deniers  from  the  buyer.  Each  cape 


148  EUROPEAN  HISTORY  STUDIES. 

sold  shall  pay  four  deniers  market-dues,  that  is  to  say, 
two  deniers  from  him  who  sells  and  two  deniers  from 
him  who  buys,  provided  he  does  not  buy  for  his  own 
use.  Tiertaines,  galebrun,1  and  all  other  warped  cloth 
shall  be  subject  to  the  same  dues.  All  cloths  which 
measure  ninteen  ell  and  one-half,  if  they  are  of  full 
width,  shall  be  subject  to  the  same  dues. 

The  drapers  of  Paris  hold  their  market  three  times  a 
year;  that  is  to  say,  at  St.  John,  at  St.  Ladre  and  au 
Christmas,  and  may  use  as  much  of  the  market-place 
as  they  need;  and  are  square  for  it  on  paying  to  the 
king  four  sous  rent  for  each  ell  of  stall,  to  be  paid  at 
St.  Remi  and  at  mid-lent;  except  that  in  the  fair  they 
shall  pay  for  their  chests.  If  a  draper  comes  to  Paris 
to  the  fair  of  St.  Ladre,  he  shall  not  pay  for  his  chest, 
provided  he  has  not  more  than  six  pieces  of  clcth. 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Was  there  a  sharp  distinction  between  manufac- 
turers and  merchants?  2.  Could  any  sales  be  made 
without  paying  a  duty?  3.  Why  were  the  dues  greater 
at  the  markets  ?  4.  Was  the  consumer  taxed  directly 
on  making  his  purchases? 

7.    OF  THE  OLD  CLOTHES  MEN 

No  one  shall  be  old  clothes  man  in  the  banlieu  of 
Paris,  that  is  to  say  buyer  or  seller  of  clothing,  old 
linen  or  woolens,  or  of  leather  of  any  sort,  old  eve  new, 
unless  he  buys  his  trade  from  the  king;  and  the  master 
chamberlain  of  the  king,  to  whom  the  king  has  granted 
this  prerogative,  sells  it  in  the  king's  name;  and  the 
chamberlain  sells  it,  to  the  one  dearer,  to  the  other 
cheaper,  for  such  price  as  seems  to  to  him  good. 

The  chamberlain  ought  not  and  shall  not  sell  the  said 
trade  to  any  man  who  is  not  honest  and  trustworthy, 
and  of  whose  honesty  and  trustworthiness  he  has  not 
good  and  sufficient  testimony. 

No  one  shall  be  old  clothes  man  in  the  banlieu  of 
Paris  until  he  swears  by  the  Saints  in  the  presence  of 
the  master  and  two  prud'hommes  of  the  trade  that  he 
will  follow  the  trade  honestly  and  honorably  according 
to  the  usages  and  customs  of  the  trade;  that  is  to  say, 
that  he  will  not  knowingly  buy  of  a  thief,  if  he  does 
not  know  where  the  things  come  from,  nor  anything 

1.  Certain  kinds  of  coarse  cloth. 


THE  TRADES  OF  PARIS.  149 

moist  or  bloody,  nnless  he  knows  what  the  moisture  or 
blood  comes  from,  nor  of  lepers  in  the  banlieu  of  Paris; 
nor  any  religious  vestment,  unless  it  has  been  worn  out 
by  legitimate  use;  and  if  anyone  violates  any  one  of 
these  rules,  he  shall  forfeit  his  trade  for  each  and 
every  offense,  and  neither  ought  nor  shall  undertake 
the  said  trade  either  to  sell  or  to  buy  anything  until 
he  has  purchased  the  said  trade  all  over  again,  and 
taken  the  oath  in  the  manner  provided  above. 

No  old  clothes  man  ought  or  shall  full  cloths,  nor  buy 
or  sell  fulled  clothes  nor  cloths  of  false  dye. 

The  things  aforesaid  may  be  seized  by  him  who  ad- 
ministers the  trade  in  the  name  of  the  master  chamber- 
lain of  the  king  in  whatever  place  he  finds  them,  and 
caused  to  be  burned  in  full  market  in  the  presence  and 
by  the  consent  of  the  prud'hommes  of  the  trade. 

QUESTIONS 

1.  In  what  relation  did  this  trade  stand  to  the  king? 
2.  How  was  it  governed?  3.  What  was  the  purpose  of 
these  prohibitions? 

8.    OF  THE  PEACOCK-HATTERS 

Whoever  desires  to  make  hats  ornamented  with  pea- 
cock feathers  in  Paris  may  do  so  without  payment, 
and  may  have  as  many  workmen  and  apprentices  as 
he  pleases,  and  may  work  at  night  if  the  shop  belongs 
to  him. 

No  peacock-hatter  shall  pay  any  fee  for  anything 
which  he  sells  or  buys  pertaining  to  his  trade,  nor  pay 
any  toll  on  leaving  Paris  for  any  fairs  or  markets;  for 
their  occupation  pays  no  market-dues,  tolls  or  other 
dues  in  the  city  of  Paris. 

If  any  peacock-hatter  puts  gilded  pewter  on  a  hat, 
which  pewter  has  not  first  been  silver-plated  before 
being  gilded,  the  work  is  false  and  should  be  burnt. 

No  peacock-hatter  shall  owe  service  on  the  night- 
watch  unless  he  follows  another  trade  or  calling  by 
which  he  owes  this  service;  for  his  trade  frees  him 
from  it  since  the  trade  only  concerns  the  churches,  the 
cavaliers,  and  the  chief 


QUESTIONS 

1.  What  unusna.  privileges  were  allowed   to   this 
trade?    2.  Why  were  they  granted? 


150  EUROPEAN   HISTORY  STUDIES. 


GENERAL   QUESTIONS 

1.  What  was  the  relation  between  the  Paris  trades 
and  the  royal  authority.     Was  Paris  a  commune  or  a, 
ville  de  bourgeoisie  ?    In  how  far  was  a  man's  political 
status  affected  by  his  employment? 

2.  Make  an  exact  statement  of  the  conditions  and 
purposes  of  apprenticeship  in  Paris. 

3.  Were  the  interests  of  the  employer  as  carefully 
guarded  as  those  of  the  employers?     Was  there  the 
same  distinction  then  as  now  between   the  employer 
and  the  unemployed?     What  separated  the  employer 
and  the  employed  in  those  days? 

4.  What  was  the  main  purpose  of  the  police  regula- 
tions concerning  the  conduct  of  the  trades?    Was  it  to 
maintain  the  honor  and  efficiency  of  the  trade  against 
its  own  careless  or  unscrupulous  workmen? 

5.  What  are  some  of  the  most  striking  points  of  simi- 
larity and  differences  between  medieval  and  modern 
trades-unions? 


European  History  Studies 

F.  M.  FLING,  PH.D.,  EDITOR. 


Vol.  II.  No.  10.  JUNE,  1899 


CIVILIZATION  DURING  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


GIRALDUS  CAMBRENSIS 


SELECTIONS  MADE 


GUERNSEY  JONES,  PH.D., 

UNIVERSITY  OF  NEBRASKA 


J.  H.  MILLER,  Publisher, 

LINCOLN,   NEBRASKA 


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U.  8.  A. 


EUROPEAN   HISTORY  STUDIES. 


CIVILIZATION    DURING    THE    MIDDLE 
AGES. 

Selections  from  Giraldus  Cambrensis 

Giraldns  Cambrensis,  The  Historical  Works  of.  Con- 
taining the  Topography  of  Ireland,  and  the  His- 
tory of  the  Conquest  of  Ireland,  translated  by 
Thomas  Forester,  Esq.,  M.A.  The  Itinerary 
through  Wales,  and  The  Description  of  Wales, 
translated  by  Sir  Richard  Colt  Hoare,  Bart.  Re- 
vised and  edited,  with  additional  notes,  by  Thomas 
Wright,  Esq.,  M.A.,  F.S.A.,  etc.  Bohn's  Library. 
London,  1881. 

GIRALDUS  CAMBRENSIS  was  born  in 
Pembrokeshire  about  the  year  1147. 
He  was  of  illustrious  birth,  being  de- 
scended on  his  mother's  side  from  Rhys  ap 
Theodor,  Prince  of  South  Wales.  He  was 
early  destined  for  the  Church  and  was  sent  to 
Paris,  then  famous  as  an  educational  center, 
where  he  greatly  distinguished  himself  for  his 
learning  and  his  lectures.  From  1184  to  1192 
he  was  connected  with  the  English  court,  and 
during  this  time  filled  important  positions  in 
various  parts  of  the  king's  dominions.  In  1198 
he  was  elected  for  the  second  time  Bishop  of  St. 
David's  in  Wales,  but  since  it  was  the  settled 
policy  of  the  English  to  place  only  Norman 
bishops  over  Welsh  dioceses,  the  confirmation 
of  the  election  was  twice  refused.  Giraldus  ap- 
pealed to  Rome  and  made  three  journeys  thither 
to  further  his  claim.  The  dispute  was  very 
bitter  and  lasted  some  years,  but  in  the  end 
Giraldus  lost  his  case.  His  later  years  until 
his  death,  the  date  of  which  is  uncertain 
(1220  ?),  were  passed  in  retirement.  (Hardy.) 


GIRALDUS    CAMBRENSIS.  151 

The  following  extracts  illustrating  certain 
mediaeval  points  of  view  with  reference  to  the 
external  world  of  nature  are  taken  from  Giral- 
dus's  Topography  of  Ireland.  The  work  was 
the  result  of  two  journeys  to  Ireland  in  1183 
and  1185-6  in  company  with  Prince  John,  and 
was  produced  in  1188.  It  is  the  product  of  a 
keenly  intelligent  man  who  had  studied  deeply 
and  had  seen  much  of  the  world.  The  stu- 
dent's first  impression  on  reading  the  Topog- 
raphy, especially  the  second  part  which  deals 
with  the  prodigies  of  nature,  will  probably  be 
that  these  stories  are  ridiculous  to  the  last  de- 
gree, but  are  without  special  meaning.  But  a 
moment's  consideration  will  convince  him  that 
our  feeling  of  utter  absurdity  is  itself  a  strik- 
ing illustration  of  the  wide  gulf  which  separates 
the  mediaeval  and  modern  mind  in  the  field  of 
natural  science.  Giraldus  not  only  found  noth- 
ing absurd  in  the  story  of  the  bear  of  St.  Fir- 
min  or  the  blackbird  of  St.  Keiwin,  but  he 
thought  them  of  enough  importance  to  be  in- 
corporated into  an  expensive  manuscript  vol- 
ume. From  this  point  of  view,  the  Topog- 
raphy of  Ireland  is  something  more  than  a 
collection  of  idle  and  silly  tales. 

1.     GIRALDUS'S  CLASSICAL  AXD  GEOGRAPHICAL 

KNOWLEDGE 

Thule,  which  is  said  to  be  the  furthest  of  the  Wes- 
tern islands,  is  very  remarkable  for  having  been  well 
known  among  the  Orientals  both  in  name  and  position, 
although  entirely  unknown  to  the  people  of  the  West. 
Virgil  *  says  to  Augustus: — 

"  And  furthest  Thule  own  thy  rule." 
And  Solinus  mentions  Thule  as  the  furthest  among 
the  islands  which  surround  Britain.     He  says  that  at 

*  it  is  impossible  to  Rive  an  udequate  conception  in  these  extracts 
of  Giraldus's  very  frequent  references  to  classical  writers. 


152  EUROPEAN    HISTORY   STUDIES. 

the  summer  solstice  there  is  no  night  there,  and  at  the 
winter  solistice  no  day;  and  both  Solinus  and  Isidore 
relate  that  beyond  Thule  lies  the  thick  and  frozen 
ocean. 

Solimis  places  Thule,  the  most  remote  island  in  the 
ocean,  between  the  N  orthern  and  Western  regions  be- 
yond Britain  and  sa}fc.  it  derives  its  name  from  the 
sun  because  the  sun  cat  ses  the  summer  solstice  there, 
and  beyond  it  there  is  no  day.  But  this  island  is  so  un- 
known to  the  people  of  the  West,  that  it  appears  that  no 
one  of  the  western  or  northern  islands  have  the  same 
name  or  character.  We  find,  however,  that  in  the  fur- 
thest parts  of  the  Arctic  regions,  the  sun  in  summer  is 
seen  by  the  inhabitants  revolving  constantly  for  several 
nights  about  the  edge  of  the  earth,  but  above  the  hori- 
zon; and  when  it  returns  from  the  constellation  of 
Capricorn,  as  though  under  the  dark  confines  of  the 
Antartic  pole,  the  cheerful  beams  of  that  luminary 
vanish  during  the  same  space  of  days.  Either,  there- 
fore, Thule  is  an  island  as  fabulous  as  it  is  famous,  or 
it  must  be  looked  for  in  the  most  remote  and  distant 
recesses  of  the  northern  ocean,  far  off  under  the  Arctic 
pole.  Hence  Orosius,  speaking  with  more  certainty 
than  others  respecting  doubtful  points,  says  that  Thule, 
which  is  separated  on  all  sides  by  boundless  space  from 
the  rest  of  the  world,  and  faces  towards  the  south  in 
the  midst  of  the  ocean,  is  known  but  to  few  persons, 
and  to  them  imperfectly.  Augustine,  however,  in  his 
twenty-first  book,  De  Civitate  Dei,  says  that  Thule,  an 
island  in  India,  is  to  be  preferred  to  other  lands,  be- 
cause there  the  trees  which  it  produces,  keep  their 
leaves  ail  the  whole  year  round.  So  that  it  appears  to 
be  situated  in  India.  But  he  was  led  astray  by  a 
doubtful  meaning,  which  is  more  apparent  than  real; 
for  Tylis  is  the  name  of  the  one,  Tyle  (Thule  j  of  the 
other.  Hence  Isidore  also  says,  Tylis  is  an  island  of 
India,  where  the  leaves  are  always  green.  And,  again, 
Solinus  says,  Tylis  is  an  island  in  India,  which  bears 
palms,  produces  oil,  and  abounds  in  vines,  and  it  excels 
all  lands  in  -the  miracle  that  every  tree  which  grows 
there  is  clothed  with  perpetual  verdure,  (p.  77. ) 

When  the  moon  is  at  half  her  growth,  as  her  light 
returns,  the  Western  seas,  from  some  unknown  natural 
cause,  begin  to  be  rough  and  agitated,  and,  till  she  is 


GIRALDUS   CAMBRENSIS.  153 

in  her  full,  swell  more  and  more  from  day  to  day,  over- 
flowing the  shore  far  beyond  their  usual  bounds.  But 
when  the  moon  wanes,  and  her  light  failing,  she,  as  it 
were,  turns  away  her  face,  the  swelling  of  the  waters 
gradually  declines,  and  when  the  moon's  face  is  no 
longer  seen,  the  sea  returns  into  its  proper  channels,  its 
overflow  subsiding.  Indeed,  the  moon  is  the  entire 
source  and  cause  of  motion  in  liqtiids,  so  that  it  not 
only  regulates  the  waters  of  the  ocean,  but,  in  animal 
life,  influences  the  marrow  in  the  bones,  the  brains  in 
the  head,  and  the  juices  of  trees  and  plants,  in  propor- 
tion to  its  increase  or  decrease.  Hence,  when  the  moon 
ceases  to  be  luminous  you  will  find  all  animate  nature 
shrink,  but  when  she  is  again  round  and  shining  at  the 
full,  the  marrow  fills  the  bones,  the  brains  the  head,  the 
juices  of  vegetables  swell.  Hence  it  is,  that  those  are 
called  lunatics,  who  suffer  every  month  by  the  exces- 
sive action  of  the  brain,  as  the  moon  increases;  and  the 
word  mensis  (a  month)  is  derived  from  mene,  which 
signifies  decrease,  because  it  decreases  with  the  moon, 
and  with  her  increase  fills  and  completes  its  course, 
(p.  60. ) 

What  wealth  then  can  Eastern  lands  boast  which  is 
comparable  to  these  advantages  [of  Ireland]  ?  They 
possess,  indeed,  these  silken  fabrics,  the  produce  of  a 
little  worm,  which  glow  with  colors  of  various  dyes. 
They  have  the  precious  metals,  and  sparkling  gems, 
and  odoriferous  trees.  But  what  are  these,  procured  at 
the  cost  of  life  and  health?  Are  they  not  attended 
with  the  presence  of  a  familiar  enemy,  — the  air  the 
Orientals  breathe,  and  which  constantly  surrounds 
them  V 

In  those  countries  all  the  elements,  though  created 
for  the  use  of  man,  threaten  wretched  mortals  with 
death,  undermine  health,  and  bring  life  to  an  end. 
Plant  your  naked  foot  on  the*earth,  death  is  at  hand; 
incautiously  seat  yourself  on  a  rock,  death  is  at  hand; 
drink  pure  water  unmixed,  or  smell  it  when  it  is  pu- 
trid, death  is  at  hand.  Expose  your  head  uncovered 
to  the  free  air,  if  it  be  cold  it  pierces  you  through,  if  it 
be  hot  you  languish;  death  is  at  hand.  The  heavens 
terrify  you  with  their  thunders,  and  flash  their  light- 
nings in  your  eyes.  The  blazing  sun  allows  you  no 


154:  EUROPEAN   HISTOKY  STUDIES. 

rest.  If  you  eat  too  much,  death  is  at  the  gate;  if  you 
drink  wine  undiluted  with  water,  death  is  at  the  gate. 
Besides  this,  poison  threatens  on  all  hands:  the  mother- 
in-law  gives  it  to  her  step-son,  the  exasperated  wife 
to  her  husband,  the  corrupt  cook  to  his  master.  You 
may  expect  poison  not  only  in  the  dish  and  in  the  cup, 
but  in  your  clothes,  your  seats,  your  saddles.  It  insidi- 
ously creeps  into  your  veins  of  itself;  you  are  subject 
to  its  insidious  attacks  from  venomous  animals;  man, 
of  all  noxious  creatures  the  most  noxious,  insidiously 
gives  it  to  man. 

Besides  all  the  more  common  annoyances  which 
abound  in  these  regions,  the  safety  of  man  is  threat- 
ened and  and  endangered  by  swift  panthers  of  various 
kinds;  by  rhinoceroses,  allured  by  love  of  virgins, 
crocodiles,  fearful  by  their  breath;  hippopotami  fre- 
quenting the  rivers.  *  *  *  The  country  is  infested 
by  asps  and  vipers,  by  dragons,  and  by  the  basilisk; 
whose  very  glance  is  fatal.  *  *  * 

It  happened,  within  my  own  memory,  that  a  man 
having  gone  on  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem,  as  is  the  cus- 
tom, from  Britain,  one  morning,  as  he  happened  to  be 
sifting  with  his  hand  the  corn  for  his  horses,  he  had 
his  finger  bitten  by  a  little  reptile  which  was  lurking 
in  the  corn.  Immediately  his  whole  body,  flesh  and 
bone,  was  converted  into  a  shapeless  mass  like  pitch. 
*  *  *  (p.  52). 

The  nearer,  indeed,  we  go  to  the  regions  of  the  East, 
and  warmer  climates,  the  greater  is  the  fertility  of  the 
soil,  and  the  more  plentifully  does  the  earth  pour  forth 
her  fruits.  There  also  are  found  in  abundance  the 
precious  metals  and  gems,  with  silk  and  cotton  wools; 
and  wealth  of  all  kinds  is  overflowing.  The  people 
also,  thanks  to  a  brighter  atmosphere,  although  slender 
in  person,  are  of  a  more  subtle  intellect.  Hence,  they 
have  recourse  to  poison  rather  than  to  violence  for  suc- 
cess in  their  schemes,  and  gain  their  purposes  more  by 
their  arts  than  by  their  arms.  But  when  we  come  to 
the  Western  parts  of  the  world,  we  find  the  soil  more 
sterile,  the  air  more  salubrious,  and  the  people  less 
acute,  but  more  robust;  for  where  the  atmosphere  is 
heavy,  the  fields  are  less  fertile  than  the  wits.  (p.  54. ) 


GIRALDUS  CAMBRENSIS.  155 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Do  you  judge  that  Giraldus  knew  at  first  hand 
the  authors  mentioned?  2.  Did  he  accept  their  state- 
ments without  question  ?  3.  Does  he  show  critical  skill 
in  reconciling  their  contradictions?  4.  Has  Giraldus 
stated  accurately  the  influence  of  the  moon  upon  the 
tides?  5.  Are  his  other  ideas  concerning  the  influence 
of  the  moon  upon  the  earth  and  its  inhabitants  entirely 
obsolete  at  the  present  day?  6.  In  what  manner  did 
the  western  world  evidently  obtain  its  information  of 
the  Orient?  7.  Did  Giraldus  have  a  correct  impression 
in  the  main  of  the  eastern  countries?  8.  In  how  far 
was  his  information  at  fault?  9.  In  how  far  did  he  ac- 
knowledge the  superiority  of  the  Orientals?  10.  Was 
this  impression  correct?  11.  Was  Giraldus's  mental 
horizon  as  limited  as  you  had  expected  of  a  man  of  this 
period  ? 

2.    SOME   ANTIQUARIAN   RESEARCHES 

According  to  the  most  ancient  histories  of  the  Irish, 
Caesara,  a  granddaughter  of  Noah,  hearing  that  the 
flood  was  near  at  hand,  resolved  to  escape  by  sailing 
with  her  companions  to  the  farthest  islands  of  the  west, 
as  yet  uninhabited  by  any  human  being,  hoping  that, 
where  sin  had  never  been  committed,  the  flood,  its 
avenger,  would  not  come.  The  ships  in  company  with 
her  having  been  lost  by  shipwreck,  that  in  which  she 
herself  sailed  with  three  men  and  fifty  women,  was 
saved,  and  thrown  by  chance  on  the  coast  of  Ireland 
in  the  year  before  the  flood.  But  although,  with  in- 
genuity laudable  in  a  woman,  she  had  planned  to 
escape  the  destined  visitation,  it  was  not  in  her  power 
by  any  means  to  avoid  the  common  and  almost  universal 
fate.  The  shore  where  the  ship  first  came  to  land  was 
called  the  bay  of  small  ships,  and  the  mound  of  earth 
in  which  she  was  buried  is  called  the  tomb  of  Csesara 
to  this  day.  But  it  appears  to  be  matter  of  doubt  how, 
if  nearly  all  perished  in  the  flood,  the  memory  of  these 
events,  and  of  their  arrival  could  have  been  preserved. 
However,  those  who  first  committed  to  writing  these 
accounts  must  be  answerable  for  them.  For  myself, 
I  compile  history:  it  is  not  my  business  to  impugn  it. 
Perhaps  some  record  of  these  events  was  found,  in- 
scribed on  a  stone  or  a  tile,  as  we  read  was  the  case 
frith  the  art  of  music  before  the  flood,  (p.  113.) 

In  the  three-hundredth  year  after  the  flood,  Bartkol 


156  EUROPEAN   HISTOPT   STUDIES. 

arms,  the  son  of  Terah,  a  descendant  from  Japhet,  the 
son  of  Noah,  with  his  three  sons  and  their  wives,  is  re- 
ported to  have  landed  on  the  coast  of  Ireland,  either  by 
chance  or  design;  having  either  erred  in  their  course, 
or,  as  the  better  opinion  is,  mistaken  the  country.  *  * 
*  However,  Bartholanus  and  his  sons  and  grandsons 
were  no  less  fortunate  in  their  affairs  than  in  having  a 
numerous  posterity;  for  in  three  hundred  years  after 
their  arrival,  his  descendants  are  said  to  have  already 
increased  to  the  number  of  nine  thousand  men.  At 
length,  having  gained  the  victory  in  a  great  battle  he 
fought  with  the  Giants,  since  human  prosperity  is 
never  durable,  *  *  *  Bartholanus,  with  nearly  all 
his  people,  was  carried  off  by  a  sudden  pestilence,  which 
probably  was  produced  by  the  air  being  corrupted  by 
the  putrifying  carcases  of  the  slain  giants.  Ruanus 
alone  is  said  to  have  escaped  the  mortality  and  to  have 
lived,  as  ancient  chronicles  inform  us,  for  a  vast  num- 
ber of  years  (more  indeed  that  it  is  easy  to  believe), 
surviving  till  the  time  of  St.  Patrick,  by  whom  he  was 
baptized.  It  is  reported  that  he  gave  a  faithful  account 
of  the  history  of  Ireland,  having  related  to  St.  Patrick 
all  the  national  events,  the  memory  of  which  had  faded, 
from  their  great  antiquity.  *  *  *  As  far  as  can  be 
collected  from  Irish  annals,  Ruanus  is  stated  to  have 
had  his  life  prolonged  for  many  years  beyond  the  ut- 
most longevity  of  the  ancient  patriarchs,  although  this 
account  may  appear  very  incredible  and  open  to  objec- 
tion, (p.  114.) 

In  ancient  times  there  was  in  Ireland  a  remarkable  pile 
of  stones,  called  the  Giants'  Dance,  because  the  giants 
brought  it  from  the  furthest  parts  of  Africa  into  Ire- 
land, and  set  it  up,  partly  by  main  strength,  partly  by 
artificial  contrivances,  in  an  extraordinary  way,  on 
the  plains  of  Kildare,  near  Naas  Hence,  certain  stones 
exactly  resembling  the  rest,  and  erected  in  the  same 
manner,  are  seen  there  to  the  present  day.  It  is  won- 
derful how  these  stones,  in  such  numbers  and  of  such 
vast  size,  could  ever  be  collected  together  on  one  spot, 
and  raised  upright,  as  well  as  by  what  mechanical  con- 
trivance others,  not  inferior  in  dimensions,  were  placed 
as  lintels  on  top  of  the  other  massive  and  lofty  piles,  so 
that  they  appear  suspended,  and,  as  it  were,  'hanging 


GIRALDUS    CAMBRENSIS.  157 

in  the  air,  rather  by  some  artificial  contrivance  than 
resting  on  the  columns  supporting  them.  According 
to  the  British  History,  Aurelius  Ambrosias,  King  of 
Britain,  caused  these  stones  to  be  transported  from  Ire- 
land to  Britain  by  the  divine  aid  of  Merlin,  and  in  or- 
der to  leave  some  memorial  of  so  great  a  deed,  they 
were  erected  on  the  spot  where,  before  that  time,  the 
flower  of  the  youth  of  Britain  died  by  the  concealed 
knives  of  the  Saxons,  who  fell  upon  them  and  slew 
them,  under  the  guise  of  peace,  with  their  treacherous 
weapons,  (p.  78.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  How  much  credence  do  you  think  should  be  given 
to  these  accounts  of  early  Irish  history?  What  evidence 
does  Giraldus  offer  in  support  of  them?  2.  What  do 
you  think  of  his  explanation  of  the  origin  of  the 
Giants'  Dance?  (The  student  should  read  a  good  mod- 
ern account  of  these  prehistoric  remains.)  3.  Being 
nearer  the  time  of  their  origin,  was  Giraldus  therefore 
in  a  better  position  to  explain  their  origin  ?  4.  How 
do  you  account  for  Giraldus's  skepticism  in  these  pas- 
sages and  his  boundless  credulity  in  the  extracts  which 
follow?  5.  Is  it  not  remarkable  that  while  expressing 
doubts  of  the  story  of  Caesara  he  should  swallow  the 
story  of  the  giants  and  of  Merlin's  magic?  6.  Where 
else  in  ancient  literature  have  you  met  with  accounts 
of  giants?  7.  Why  should  Giraldus  accept  the  ac- 
counts of  the  longevity  of  the  ancient  patriarchs  and 
question  the  reputed  age  of  Ruanus? 

3.    SERMONS  EN  STONES 

Cranes  assemble  in  such  numbers,  that  a  hundred, 
or  about  that  number,  are  often  seen  in  one  flock.  By 
a  natural  instinct  they  keep  watch  in  turns  at  night 
for  their  common  safety,  perched  on  one  foot,  and 
holding  a  stone  in  the  other  featherless  claw,  that  if 
they  should  fall  asleep,  the  fall  of  the  stone  may 
rouse  them  to  renew  their  watch. 

These  birds  are  emblems  of  the  bishops  of  the 
church,  whose  office  it  is  to  keep  watch  over  their 
flock,  not  knowing  at  what  hour  the  thief  will  come. 
And  any  sacred  duty  should  employ  the  mind,  and  be 
like  the  stone,  ready  to  drop.  It  should  utterly  shake 
off  all  sloth,  and  allow  nothing  to  be  thought  of  but 
itself.  And  if  by  any  chance  it  should  sometimes  fail, 
the  mind,  being  inured  to  its  habitual  occupation,  re- 
sumes it  like  one  awakened  out  of  sleep. 


158  EUROPEAN   HISTORY  STUDIES. 

This  bird  also  gives  notice  of  danger  by  its  cries.  In 
like  manner  the  pastors  of  the  church  drive  the  wolves 
from  the  fold  by  sounding  the  alarm  from  the  holy 
oracles,  and  with  unwearied  diligence  lift  up  their 
voice  like  a  trumpet.  The  liver  of  this  bird  is  also  of 
such  a  fiery  heat,  that  when  by  any  chance  it  swallows 
iron,  its  stomach  digests  it.  So  bowels  inflamed  with 
the  fire  of  charity  subdue  and  soften  iron  hearts  which 
were  before  indurate,  and  reduce  them  to  soft  concord 
in  brotherly  love.  (p.  34. ) 

Eagles  are  as  numerous  here  as  kites  are  in  other 
countries.  These  birds  eye  with  fixed  gaze  the  full 
effulgence  of  the  solar  rays;  and  it  is  reported  that  they 
teach  their  young  to  do  the  same,  though  unwillingly. 
Hence,  eagles  (aquilae)  are  so  called  from  their  pierc- 
ing eyes  (acumine)  Thus,  contemplative  men  strive 
to  fix  the  whole  powers  of  their  mind  without  distrac- 
tions on  the  very  essence  of  the  Divine  majesty,  and  on 
the  true  sun  of  righteousness,  and,  putting  their  hands 
to  the  plough  of  the  heavenly  paradise,  do  not  look 
backward.  The  fathers  of  the  church  also,  in  order  to 
accustom  their  sons  in  tender  age  to  that  which  is  good, 
teach  them  to  turn  the  eyes  of  the  soul  to  the  intuition 
and  the  desire  of  the  light  divine. 

Eagles  also  live  for  so  many  ages,  that,  enjoying  re- 
newed youth,  they  seem  to  contend  with  eternity  itself. 
So  also  the  saints,  renewed  with  the  innocence  of  child- 
hood, having  put  off  the  old  man,  and  put  on  the  new 
man,  obtain  the  blessed  fruit  of  everlasting  life.  Again, 
eagles  of  ten  soar  so  high  in  their  flight,  that  their  wings 
are  scorched  with  the  fiery  rays  of  the  sun.  So  those 
who  in  the  Holy  Scriptures  strive  to  unravel  the  deep 
and  hidden  secrets  of  the  heavenly  mysteries,  beyond 
what  is  allowed,  and  those  limits  which  it  is  not  per- 
mitted us  to  pass,  returning  to  themselves  halt  below 
as  if  the  wings  of  the  presumptuous  imagination  on 
which  they  were  borne  were  scorched  in  their  flight, 
(p.  30. ) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  What  conception  of  nature,  so  prevalent  during 
the  Middle  Ages,  is  illustrated  here?  2.  How  many  of 
these  statements  of  natural  phenomena  are  false?  3. 
How  did  Giraldus  make  these  mistakes?  Did  he  think 
it  necessary  to  substantiate  his  statements  by  personal 


GIRALDUS   CAMBRENSIS.  159 

observation?  4.  Is  this  fable  of  eagles  renewing  their 
youth  to  be  found  m  classical  literature?  5.  Is  Gir- 
aldus's  derivation  of  aquila  correct? 

4.    MIRACLES  AND   WONDERS 

I  come  now  to  those  facts  which,  being  contrary  to 
the  course  of  nature,  call  forth  our  wonder  and  amaze- 
ment. *  *  *  I  know,  however,  and  am  persuaded, 
that  I  shall  have  to  write  some  accounts  which  will 
seem  to  the  reader  either  utterly  impossible,  or  quite 
ridiculous.  But,  with  the  help  of  God,  I  will  insert 
nothing  in  my  book  the  truth  of  which  I  have  not  elic- 
ited with  the  greatest  diligence  either  from  my  own 
firm  belief  or  the  authentic  testimony  of  most  trust- 
worthy men,  who  have  lived  in  the  districts  of  which 
I  write.  Let  me  not,  however,  be  involved  in  a  cloud 
of  malicious  slander.  What  I  have  witnessed  with  my 
own  eyes,  that  I  assert  firmly  and  without  hesitation. 
But  what  has  only  reached  my  ears  through  others, 
which  I  am  slower  to  believe,  that  I  do  not  affirm  but 
only  relate.  To  all  those  of  which  I  received  authentic 
accounts  from  many  persons  who  were  eye-witnesses  of 
them,  I  give  full  credence;  and  I  accept  those  given  by 
others,  whose  truth  and  assertions  I  find  no  reason  to 
doubt.  *  *  * 

Some  countries,  islands  especially,  and  parts  remote 
from  the  centre  of  the  earth,  are  remarkable  for  prodi- 
gies which  are  peculiarly  their  own.  For  nature  al- 
ways, and  purposely  as  it  were,  interlards  her  works 
with  some  new  ones,  that  she  may  thus  plainly  teach  and 
declare,  that  although  her  usual  operations  may  be 
comprehended  by  the  human  understanding,  her  mighty 
power  cannot  be  understood.  Let  the  careful  reader 
also  remark  that  history  must  not  be  sparing  of  the 
truth,  and  that  it  rather  chooses  what  is  certain  than 
what  is  probable.  If,  therefore,  anything  should  es- 
cape me  which  is  new  and  unheard  of,  let  it  not  be 
condemned  and  struck  out  even  by  the  malicious,  but 
sometimes  pardoning,  sometimes  approving,  let  my 
task  proceed,  (p.  57.) 

When  the  body  of  St.  Firmin,  bishop  of  Auch,  and  a 
native  of  Narbonne,  was  carried  through  some  parts  of 
the  province  to  Auch,  the  oxen  which  drew  the  vehicle 
being  unyoked  and  turned  out  to  graze,  one  of  them 


160  EUROPEAN  HISTORY  STUDIES. 

was  suddenly  devoured  by  a  bear.  On  discovering 
this,  St.  Ferreolus,  who  was  a  nephew  of  St.  Firmin, 
and  the  conductor  of  the  noble  procession,  as  well  as 
St.  Firniin's  immediate  successor  in  his  episcopal  see, 
instantly  calling  on  the  name  of  God,  summoned  the 
bear  before  him,  who,  making  his  appearance,  forth- 
with submitted  his  neck  to  the  yoke,  and  devoutly 
took  the  place  of  the  ox  he  had  slain  as  his  successor 
in  drawing  the  load.  The  body  of  St.  Firmin  having 
been  thus  miraculously  drawn  from  that  spot  for  sev- 
eral miles  to  the  city  of  Auch,  and  his  obsequies  cele- 
brated there  with  great  pomp,  the  bear,  having 
obtained,  as  it  were,  the  permission  of  St.  Firmin,  re- 
turned unhurt  to  his  mountain  lair.  Moreover,  every 
year  afterwards,  as  long  as  he  lived,  he  regularly  came 
to  the  church  on  the  festival  of  St.  Firmin,  and,  laying 
aside  for  the  time  all  the  ferocity  of  a  beast  of  prey,  he 
shewed  himself  to  the  people  as  a  tame  animal,  allow- 
ing them  to  touch  and  stroke  him;  as  if  he  were  ready 
to  undergo  the  punishment  merited  by  his  atrocious 
act,  and  the  offense  he  had  committed.  Wherefore, 
his  skin,  carefully  preserved  in  the  church  of  St.  Firmin 
to  the  present  day,  is  held  in  great  veneration,  and  is 
shewn  to  travellers  and  pilgrims  as  a  memorial  of  this 
great  miracle.  *  *  * 

St.  Keiwin,  then,  upon  some  occasion,  when,  during 
the  season  of  Lent,  he  had  fled,  as  he  was  wont,  from 
converse  with  men,  retired  to  a  little  cabin  in  the  wil- 
derness, where,  sheltered  only  from  the  sun  and  rain, 
he  gave  himself  up  to  contemplation,  and  spent  all  his 
time  in  reading  and  prayer.  One  morning,  having 
raised  his  hand  to  heaven,  as  was  his  custom,  through 
the  window,  it  chanced  that  a  blackbird  pitched  upon 
it  and  laid  her  eggs  in  his  palm,  treating  it  as  her  nest. 
The  saint,  taking  pity  on  the  bird,  showed  so  much 
gentleness  and  patience  that  he  neither  drew  in  nor 
closed  his  hand,  but  kept  it  extended  and  adapted  it  to 
the  purpose  of  a  nest,  without  wearying,  until  the 
young  brood  was  entirely  hatched.  In  perpetual  mem- 
ory of  this  wonderful  occurrence,  all  the  images  of  St. 
Keiwin  throughout  Ireland  represent  him  with  a  black- 
bird in  his  extended  hand.  (p.  91.) 

At  Ossory  is  the  mill  of  St.  Lucherinus,  the  abbot, 


GIRALDUS    CAMBRENSI8.  161 

which  does  not  work  on  Sundays,  and  never  grinds  any 
corn  which  has  been  obtained  by  thieving  or  pillage, 
(p.  108.) 

In  Leinster,  in  the  land  of  Mactalewi,  there  is  a  bell, 
which  unless  it  is  adjured  by  its  keeper  every  night 
with  an  exorcism  composed  for  the  purpose,  and  fas- 
tened by  some  cord,  however  slight,  is  found  next 
morning  at  Clunarech,  in  Meath,  in  the  church  of  St. 
Finnan,  from  which  it  had  come.  It  is  certain  that 
,#this  occurreii^^everal  occasions,  (p.  96. ) 

There  is  injSjjttrovince  of  Leinster  a  district  called 
Fefnigenan  (Ferns^Avhich  is  only  separated  from  Wex- 
ford  by  the  river  Slaney.  From  this  district  the  larger 
species  of  mice,  commonly  called  rats,  were  so  entirely 
expelled  by  the  curse  of  St.  Yvorus,  the  bishop,  whose 
books  they  had  probably  gnawed,  that  none  were  af- 
terwards bred  there,  or  could  exist  if  they  were  intro- 
duced, (p.  96.) 

There  is  a  lake  in  the  northern  parts  of  Munster, 
containing  two  islands,  one  large,  the  other  small.  * 
*  *  No  woman,  nor  any  animal  of  the  female  sex, 
could  ever  enter  the  larger  island  without  instant 
death.  This  has  been  often  proved  by  dogs  and  cats, 
arid  other  animals,  of  the  female  sex,  which,  having 
having  been  carried  over  for  the  sake  of  the  experi- 
ment, immediately  expired.  *  *  *  In  the  smaller 
island  no  one  ever  dies,  was  ever  known  to  die,  or 
could  die  a  natural  death.  It  is  consequently  called 
the  Isle  of  the  Living.  Notwithstanding,  its  inhabit- 
ants are  sometimes  severely  afflicted  with  mortal  dis- 
eases, and  languish  in  misery  until  life  is  nearly 
exhausted.  But  when  no  hope  remains,  all  expecta- 
tion of  the  powers  of  life  being  restored  becomes  ex- 
tinct, and  they  are  reduced  by  their  increasing  malady 
to  such  a  degree  of  suffering  that  they  would  rather 
die  than  live  a  life  of  death,  the  natives  cause  them- 
selves to  be  ferried  over  in  a  boat  to  the  larger  island, 
where  they  breathe  their  last  as  soon  as  they  touch  the 
land.  (p.  61.) 

There  is  an  island  called  Aren,  situated  in  the  west- 
ern part  of  Connaught,  and  consecrated,  as  it  is  said, 
to  St.  Brendan,  where  human  corpses  are  neither  bur- 
ied nor  decay,  but,  deposited  in.  the  open  air,  remain 


162  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

uncorrupted.  Here  men  can  behold,  and  recognize 
with  wonder,  grandfathers,  great-grandfathers,  and 
great -great-grandfathers,  and  the  long  series  of  their 
ancestors  to  a  remote  period  of  past  time  (p.  64.) 

There  is  a  fountain  in  Armorican  Britain  of  a  some- 
what similar  nature;  for  if  you  draw  its  water  in  the 
horn  of  an  ox,  and  happen  to  spill  it  on  the  nearest 
road,  however  serene  the  sky  may  be -and  contrary  to 
rain,  you  will  not  avoid  its  immediately  falling.  In 
Sicily  there  is  a  most  wonderful  fountain.  If  any  one 
approaches  it  dressed  in  a  red  garment,  its  waters, 
bubbling  up,  suddenly  rise  to  the  height  of  the  man's 
stature,  although  other  colors  produce  no  agitation  of 
the  surface.  On  the  man's  departure,  the  waters,  sink- 
ing to  their  usual  level,  return  into  their  former 
channels. 

"  Tis  blest  to  learn  the  principles  of  nature, 
And  scan  the  source  of  good." 

But  since  bounds  are  set  to  the  powers  of  the  human 
mind,  and  everything  mortal  is  far  from  perfection, 
the  causes  of  such  occurences 

"Ye  Muses  tell;  we  cannot  master  all." 

Envious  nature  has  locked  up  the  causes  of  these 
and  other  unusual  occurrences  among  her  own  myste- 
rious wonders.  There  is  on  the  sea- shore  of  Connaught 
a  rocky  point  of  considerable  size,  which,  when  the 
tide  is  out,  appears  to  rise  above  the  strand  no  higher 
than  it  does  above  the  returning  waves  which  cover  all 
larger  objects  when  the  tide  is  full.  There  is  also  in 
Connaught  a  walled  place,  having  the  appearance  of  a 
large  castle,  consecrated,  they  say,  by  St.  Patrick. 
Into  this  enclosure  they  never  drive  so  many  cattle 
(although  the  booty  of  the  whole  province  is  very  often 
shut  up  in  this  place  of  refuge),  but  that  it  would  con- 
tain many  more,  until  by  chance  it  is  reported  that  it 
is  full,  or  supposed  to  be  full.  (p.  69.) 

QUESTIONS 

1.  Had  not  Giraldus  an  evident  delight  in  relating 
these  wonders?  (One  third  of  his  Topography  of  Ire- 
land is  devoted  to  them.)  2.  What  was Giraldus's  con- 
ception of  nature?  Did  he  have  any  conception  of 
natural  laws?  3.  What  did  he  conceive  to  be  the  pur- 
pose of  miracles  and  wonders?  4.  What  was  his  idea 


GIR ALDUS    CAMBRENSIS.  163 

jf  proving  anything?  5.  What  is  the  difference  be- 
tween Giraldus  and  Munchausen  ?  6.  Were  the  anath- 
emas of  the  Church  fearful  to  men  only?  7.  Is  the 
fact  that  these  miracles  and  wonders  were  found  for 
the  most  part  in  remote  parts  of  the  earth  of  signifi- 
cance ?  Why  were  islands  the  special  seat  of  prodigies  ? 

5.      NO  SNAKES  IN  IRELAND 

Of  all  sorts  of  reptiles,  Ireland  possesses  those  only 
which  are  harmless,  and  does  not  produce  any  that 
are  venomous.  There  are  neither  snakes  nor  adders, 
toads  nor  frogs,  tortoises  nor  scorpions,  nor  dragons. 
It  produces,  however,  spiders,  leeches,  and  lizards;  but 
they  are  quite  harmless.  Hence  it  may  be  said,  or  even 
written,  pleasantly,  as  well  as  with  historical  truth  — 
"In  France  and  Italy  the  frogs  fill  theairwiththeircroak- 
ings;in  Britain  they  are  mute:  in  Ireland  there  are  none." 
Some  indeed  conjecture,  with  what  seems  a  flattering 
fiction,  that  St.  Patrick  and  the  other  saints  of  that 
country  cleared  the  island  of  all  pestiferous  animals; 
but  history  asserts,  with  more  probability,  that  from 
the*  earliest  ages,  and  long  before  it  was  favored  with 
the  light  of  revealed  truth,  this  was  one  of  the  things 
which  never  existed  here,  from  some  natural  deficiency 
in  the  produce  in  the  island. 

Nor  does  it  appear  to  me  much  to  be  wondered  at 
that  the  country  does  not  naturally  produce  these  rep- 
tiles, no  more  than  some  kinds  of  fishes,  birds,  and 
wild  animals  which  are  not  found  there.  But  it  does 
appear  very  wonderful  that,  when  anything  venomous 
is  brought  there  from  other  lands,  it  never  could  exist 
in  Ireland.  For  we  read  in  the  ancient  books  of  the 
saints  of  that  country,  that  sometimes,  for  the  sake  of  ex- 
periment, serpents  have  been  shipped  over  in  brazen  ves- 
sels, but  were  found  lifeless  and  dead  as  soon  as  the  mid- 
dle of  the  Irish  sea  was  crossed.  Poison  also  similarly 
conveyed  was  found  to  lose  its  venom,  when  midway  on 
the  waters,  disinfected  by  a  purer  air.  Bede,  in  speak- 
ing of  Ireland,  writes  on  this  subject  as  follows: — "No 
reptile  is  found  there;  no  serpent  can  live  there;  for, 
though  often  carried  thither  out  of  Britain,  as  soon  as 
the  ship  draws  near  the  land,  and  the  scent  of  the  air 
from  off  the  shore  reaches  them,  they  die.  On  the  con- 
trary, almost  all  things  produced  in  the  island  have 


164  EUROPEAN   HISTORY   STUDIES. 

virtues  against  poison."  *  *  *  Nay  more,  according 
to  Bede's  statement,  almost  all  things  produced  in  the 
island  have  virtues  against  poison.  He  gives  an  in- 
stance which  he  witnessed  himself.  Some  persons  hav- 
ing been  bitten  by  serpents,  water  in  which  the  scrap- 
ings of  the  leaves  of  books  brought  from  Ireland  had 
been  mixed  was  given  them  to  drink,  and  it  extracted 
all  the  venom  of  the  spreading  poison,  reduced  the 

swelling  of  their  bodies,  and  assuaged  the  tumor. 
*  *  # 

Indeed  the  soil  of  Ireland  is  so  hostile  to  poison,  that, 
if  gardens  or  any  other  spots  in  foreign  countries  are 
sprinkled  with  its  dust,  all  venomous  reptiles  are  im- 
mediately driven  far  away.  (p.  47.) 

There  is  an  island,  not  the  least  of  the  smaller  is- 
lands, which  is  now  called  Man,  but  had  in  old  times 
the  name  of  Ewania,  and  lies,  they  say,  in  the  mid- 
channel  between  the  northern  shores  of  Ireland  and 
Britain.  Which  country  it  rightly  belonged  to  was  a 
matter  of  great  doubt  among  the  ancients;  but  the  con- 
troversy was  settled  in  this  way.  Since  the  island  al- 
lowed venomous  reptiles,  brought  over  for  the  sake  of 
experiment,  to  exist  in  it,  it  was  agreed  by  common 
consent  that  it  belonged  to  Britain,  (p.  76.) 

QUESTIONS 

^  Did  the  Giraldus  understand  the  function  of  ex- 
periments in  natural  science?  (also  supra  i  2.  What 
was  the  matter  with  his  experiments?  3.  Is  there  not  a 
slight  discrepancy  between  the  statement  of  Bede  and 
the  statement  from  the  ancient  book  of  the  saints?  4. 
Does  the  discrepancy  apparently  escape  Giraldus? 

GENERAL    QUESTIONS 

1.  What  is  the  extent  of  Giraldus's  mental  horizon? 

2.  What  was  his  conception  of  nature?    Did  he  have 
any  idea  of  natural  laws? 

3.  What  was  his  idea  of  proving  anything?    Did  he 
appreciate  the  necessity  of    experiments  in    natural 
science? 

4.  What    is  the  difference  between    Giraldus    and 
Munchausen? 

5.  Cite  as  many  examples  as  you  can  to  show  the  sur- 
prising persistence  of  certain  fables  and  superstitions 


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